After Charles de Gaulle. Charles de Gaulle - biography, information, personal life. List of sources and literature used

05.11.2022

The twentieth century brought to humanity many personalities who had a tangible influence on the course of world history. One of these personalities is Charles de Gaulle.

The first president and founder of the Fifth French Republic, creator (in 1940) of the patriotic movement of the French people “Free France”, since 1941 chairman of the “French National Committee”, 1944-1946. - Chairman of the French Provisional Government.

On his initiative, a new Constitution of France was prepared and adopted by parliament in 1958. It significantly expanded the rights of the president and recognized the independence of Algeria.

This outstanding historical event began on November 22, 1890, when baby Charles was born into a family of French aristocrats in the city of Lille. The family of the future general and president was Catholic and adhered to patriotic views, which also affected the formation of the future views of Charles de Gaulle.

In 1912, after successfully graduating from the Saint-Cyr military school, he became a professional military man. In one of the battles of the First World War he was captured. In 1918 he returned to his homeland. After returning, Charles de Gaulle makes a successful military career. During this period, de Gaulle wrote several books on military and political topics.

But Charles de Gaulle truly revealed his abilities as a statesman and politician with the beginning, which he met already in the rank of general. After Marshal Henri Pétain concluded a peace truce with Germany, General de Gaulle left his homeland and on June 18, 1940, by radio from London, appealed to the French not to lay down their arms and to join the Free France movement he created.

At the beginning of the war, the main goal of the Free French was control over the territory of the French colonies. General de Gaulle coped with this task perfectly. Cameroon, Congo, Chad, Gabon, Oubangui-Shari joined the Free France. And later other colonies followed their example. At the same time, Free French fighters actively participated in Allied military operations.

In 1943, General de Gaulle became co-chairman and then chairman of the “French Committee of National Liberation” created in 1943, and remained in this post until 1946. In 1947, Charles de Gaulle founded the RPF ("Union of the French People") and joined the political struggle. But, despite more than 1 million members, the RPF did not achieve success and was dissolved in 1953.

Charles de Gaulle's finest hour came in 1958 during the Algerian crisis. The crisis paved the way for him to power. Under his leadership, the French Constitution of 1958 was developed and then adopted, which became the beginning of the Fifth French Republic, which still exists today.

Since then, France has changed from a parliamentary-presidential republic to a presidential-parliamentary republic with the president elected by popular vote. Despite strong resistance from ultra-colonialists and mutinies in the army, and a number of assassination attempts on de Gaulle, Algeria gained independence in 1962. Despite the fact that de Gaulle was a French nationalist, he fiercely defended the right of all nations and peoples to self-determination. He also came up with the idea of a united Europe.

In 1965, Charles de Gaulle was re-elected as President of France for another seven-year term. However, his new ideas did not receive support and in 1969 he resigned, completely abandoning all political activities.

Charles de Gaulle died in Colombe-les-deux-Églises, Champagne, on November 9, 1970. His grave is located in a modest local cemetery. This is the biography of one of the most famous French rulers, Charles de Gaulle.

(November 22, 1890, Lille - November 9, 1970, Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises, Haute-Marne department)

Charles de Gaulle in the BBC radio studio

Biography

In 1912 he graduated from the Saint-Cyr Military Academy. During the First World War, he was wounded three times and captured near Verdun in 1916. In 1920–1921, with the rank of major, he served in Poland at the headquarters of General Weygand's military mission. In the period between the two world wars, de Gaulle taught military history at the Saint-Cyr School, served as an assistant to Marshal Pétain, and wrote several books on military strategy and tactics. In one of them, called “For a Professional Army” (1934), he insisted on the mechanization of ground forces and the use of tanks in cooperation with aviation and infantry.

In April 1940, de Gaulle received the rank of brigadier general. On June 6 he was appointed Deputy Minister of National Defense. On June 16, 1940, when Marshal Pétain was negotiating surrender, de Gaulle flew to London, from where on June 18 he made a radio call to his compatriots to continue the fight against the invaders. Founded the Free France movement in London. After the landing of Anglo-American troops in North Africa in June 1943, the French Committee for National Liberation (FCNL) was created in Algeria. De Gaulle was first appointed its co-chairman and then its sole chairman. In June 1944, the FKNO was renamed the Provisional Government of the French Republic. After the liberation of France in August 1944, de Gaulle returned to Paris in triumph as head of the provisional government. However, the Gaullist principle of a strong executive was rejected at the end of 1945 by voters, who preferred a constitution in many ways similar to that of the Third Republic. In January 1946, de Gaulle resigned.

In 1947, de Gaulle founded a new party, the Rally of the French People (RPF), whose main goal was to fight for the abolition of the 1946 Constitution, which proclaimed the Fourth Republic. However, the RPF failed to achieve the desired result, and in 1955 the party was dissolved. In order to preserve the prestige of France and strengthen its national security, de Gaulle supported the European Reconstruction Program and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. In the course of coordinating the armed forces of Western Europe at the end of 1948, thanks to the influence of de Gaulle, the French were given command of the ground forces and navy. In 1953, de Gaulle retired from political activity, settled in his house in Colombey-les-deux-Eglises and began writing his “War Memoirs”.

On May 13, 1958, ultra-colonialists and representatives of the French army rebelled in the Algerian capital. They were soon joined by supporters of General de Gaulle. All of them advocated keeping Algeria within France. The general himself, with the support of his supporters, skillfully took advantage of this and achieved the consent of the National Assembly to create his own government on the terms dictated by him. The first years after returning to power, de Gaulle was engaged in strengthening the Fifth Republic, financial reform, and searching for a solution to the Algerian issue. On September 28, 1958, a new constitution was adopted in a referendum. On December 21, 1958, de Gaulle was elected president. Under his leadership, France's influence in the international arena increased. Having begun to resolve the Algerian problem, de Gaulle firmly pursued a course towards Algerian self-determination. In response to this, there were mutinies of the French army and ultra-colonialists in 1960 and 1961, the terrorist activities of the Armed Secret Organization (OAS), and the assassination attempt on de Gaulle. However, after the signing of the Evian Accords, Algeria gained independence.

In September 1962, de Gaulle proposed an amendment to the constitution, according to which the election of the president of the republic should be held by universal suffrage. At a referendum held in October, the amendment was approved by a majority of votes. The November elections brought victory to the Gaullist party. In 1963, de Gaulle vetoed Britain's entry into the Common Market, blocked the US attempt to supply nuclear missiles to NATO, and refused to sign an agreement on a partial ban on nuclear weapons testing. His foreign policy led to a new alliance between France and West Germany. In 1963, de Gaulle visited the Middle East and the Balkans, and in 1964 – Latin America.

On December 21, 1965, de Gaulle was re-elected as president for another 7-year term. The long standoff between NATO reached its climax in early 1966, when the French president withdrew his country from the bloc's military organization. Elections to the National Assembly in March 1967 brought the Gaullist party and its allies a slight majority, and in May 1968 student unrest and a nationwide strike began. The President again dissolved the National Assembly and called new elections, which were won by the Gaullists. On April 28, 1969, after defeat in the April 27 referendum on the reorganization of the Senate, de Gaulle resigned.

Titles, awards and bonuses

* Grand Master of the Order of Liberation

* Order of the Elephant (Denmark)
* Order of the Seraphim (Sweden)

* Order of the Royal House of Chakri (Thailand)

Interesting Facts

General de Gaulle's address to the French 06/18/1940:

“The military leaders who led the French army for many years formed a government.

Citing the defeat of our armies, this government entered into negotiations with the enemy to end the fight.

Of course, we were suppressed and continue to be suppressed by the enemy’s mechanized ground and air forces.

What forces us to retreat is not so much the numerical superiority of the Germans, but rather their tanks, planes, and their tactics. It was the tanks, planes, and tactics of the Germans that took our leaders by surprise to such an extent that they plunged them into the position in which they now find themselves.

But has the last word been said? Is there no more hope? Has the final defeat been dealt? No!

Believe me, for I know what I say: nothing is lost for France. We will be able to achieve victory in the future by the same means that defeated us.

Because France is not alone! She's not alone! She's not alone! Behind it stands a vast empire. She can unite with the British Empire, which dominates the seas and continues to fight. She, like England, can make unlimited use of the powerful industry of the United States...

I, General de Gaulle, now in London, address the French officers and soldiers who are on British territory or who may be there in the future, armed or unarmed; to engineers and workers, specialists in the production of weapons, who are on British territory or who may find themselves there, with an appeal to establish contact with me.

Whatever happens, the flame of French resistance must not and will not go out..."

Documentation

* Acts of Free France
* De Gaulle's orders for the Normandie-Niemen squadron

Proceedings

* Professional army (in Russian, according to the 1935 edition)
* War memoirs: Conscription 1940-1942
* War memoirs: Unity 1942–1944
* War memoirs: Rescue 1944–1946

Literature

* V. N. Pchelintsev. Special mission. Chapter "General de Gaulle"
* W. Churchill. The Second World War. Chapter "Tense relations with General de Gaulle" (relationships between the Free French and the British government)
* W. Churchill. The Second World War. Chapter "Paris" (creation of the French Provisional Government during the liberation of Paris in 1944)
* V. I. Erofeev. On the history of the 1944 treaty on alliance and mutual assistance between the USSR and France
* D. F. Kraminov. In the orbit of war. Chapter 11 (creation of the French Provisional Government during the liberation of Paris in 1944; assessment of de Gaulle’s personality)
* E. Roosevelt. Through his eyes. Chapter 4. Conference in Casablanca (participation of F. D. Roosevelt in the creation of the Provisional Government led by de Gaulle)
* E d "Astier. Gods and men. 1943-1944 (Notes of the Commissioner of Internal Affairs in the government of "Fighting France")
* N. M. Kharlamov. Difficult mission (notes of a Soviet diplomat who worked with de Gaulle in London during the war)
* Romain Gary. Promise at Dawn (among other things - about the relationship between the writer and pilot Romain Gary and General de Gaulle)

Biography

He studied at the college where his father taught, and then entered the military school in Saint-Cyr.

During the First World War, Charles de Gaulle took part in hostilities, was wounded three times, and was captured near Verdun.

After the end of the war, he returned to France, graduated from the Higher Military School in Paris, and conducted military pedagogical work.

In 1940, Charles de Gaulle received the rank of brigadier general.

During the Second World War, when Germany occupied France, Charles de Gaulle crossed over to England and there took command of all French troops outside France. He founded the Free France movement, which in 1942 was renamed Fighting France.

In 1941, Charles de Gaulle headed the French National Committee, and in 1943 he became the head of the French National Liberation Committee and formed the provisional government of France.

From 1944 to 1948, Charles de Gaulle was the country's prime minister, and in 1949 he was elected president, but resigned two and a half months later.

In 1959, Charles de Gaulle again became president of France, and in the next elections, in 1964, he again won.

The activities of Charles de Gaulle were aimed at achieving the independence and independence of France in foreign policy; during his presidency, the war in Algeria, a former colony of France, was stopped; in 1966, France withdrew from NATO.

In 1969, Charles de Gaulle resigned from his post, and on November 9, 1970, he died in Colombo-les-Deux-Eglises.

Biography (L. Leonidov.)

Gaulle Charles de Gaulle Charles de (November 22, 1890, Lille, - November 9, 1970, Colombe-les-Deux-Eglises), French statesman, military and political figure. Genus. in the family of a teacher, he studied at the Saint-Cyr military school and later at the Higher Military School in Paris. Participant of the 1st World War 1914-18. Until 1937, he was mainly engaged in military pedagogical and staff activities. In the years preceding World War II (1939-45), G. made a number of theoretical works on issues of military strategy and tactics, in which he spoke out for the creation of a professional mechanized army and for the massive use of tanks in cooperation with aviation and infantry in modern warfare. From the first days of the war, de Gaulle, with the rank of colonel, commanded the tank units of the 5th French Army, and in May 1940, during the battles on the river. Somme, led the 4th Armored Division. Showed great personal courage. He was promoted to brigadier general. On June 5, a critical day for France, when a significant part of the French army had already been defeated by Nazi Germany, G. became Deputy Minister of National Defense. After the entry of German troops into Paris (June 14) and the capitulatory government of Pétain coming to power (June 16), G. went to Great Britain, from where on June 18, 1940 he addressed on the radio an appeal to all French to continue the fight against Nazi Germany. G. founded the Free France movement in London, which joined the anti-Hitler coalition, and on September 24, 1941 - the French National Committee. On September 26, 1941, the Soviet government recognized G. “as the leader of all free Frenchmen, wherever they are.” In June 1943, G. became one of two chairmen (since November 1943 - the only chairman) of the French Committee of National Liberation (FCNL), created in Algeria and reorganized in June 1944 into the Provisional Government of the French Republic (in August 1944, the government of G. moved to liberated Paris). On December 10, 1944, G. signed the Treaty of Alliance and Mutual Assistance between the USSR and France in Moscow. G.'s name is closely associated with the victory over the fascist aggressors in World War II.

Immediately after the end of the war, G. took a number of measures aimed at establishing a presidential-type regime in France. Faced with difficulties in implementing his plans, he resigned as head of government in January 1946. Since 1947, G. led the activities of the party he created, the Rally of the French People (RPF). Having announced the dissolution of the RPF in May 1953, he temporarily withdrew from active political activity. In May 1958, during a period of acute political crisis caused by the military coup in Algeria on May 13, the bourgeois majority of parliament advocated the return of Germany to power. On June 1, 1958, the National Assembly approved the composition of the government headed by G. On the instructions and with the participation of G., a new constitution of the republic was prepared (September 1958), which narrowed the powers of the parliament and significantly expanded the rights of the president. On December 21, 1958, he was elected President of the French Republic. On December 19, 1965, he was re-elected to the presidency for a new 7-year term. France's foreign policy concept was distinguished by its desire to ensure France's independence in decision-making on the most important issues of European and world politics. One of the most significant steps in this regard was France’s withdrawal from the NATO military organization in 1966. Germany’s foreign policy was characterized by a realistic approach to a number of major international problems (a statement recognizing the final nature of the post-war German borders, 1959; condemnation of US aggression in Vietnam; condemnation of Israeli attacks on Arab states, etc.). At the same time, while continuing to implement plans to create its own nuclear forces, France did not sign the Triple Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (1963). France did not sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (1968), however, declaring at the UN that it would behave in this area in the same way as the states that acceded to this Treaty on April 28, 1969, after the defeat in the referendum on April 27 ( on the issue of the reorganization of the Senate and the reform of the territorial-administrative structure of France), reflecting the dissatisfaction of a certain part of the French population with government policies, G. resigned from the post of president. During the years of G.'s tenure as president, Soviet-French relations received significant development. In 1966, G. paid an official visit to the USSR; As a result of negotiations and the signing of the Soviet-French Declaration on June 30, 1966, an important stage in the history of Soviet-French relations was opened.

Works: Une mauvaise rencontre, P., 1916; Histoire des troupes du Levant, P., 1921; La discorde chez l "ennemi, 2 ed., P., 1944; Le fil de l-epee, P., 1946; La France sera la France, P., 1952; La France et son armee, P., 1965; Discours et messages, t. 1-5 Memoires de guerre, , P., 1968-69; Meemoires d'espoir, t. 1-2, P., 1970-71; in Russian lane - Professional Army, M., 1935; Military memoirs, vol. 1-2, M., 1957-1960.

Biography (M. Ts. Arzakanyan)

Charles de Gaulle (Gaulle) (1890-1970) - French politician and statesman, founder and first president (1959-1969) of the Fifth Republic. In 1940, he founded the patriotic movement “Free France” (from 1942 “Fighting France”) in London, which joined the anti-Hitler coalition; in 1941 he became the head of the French National Committee, in 1943 - the French Committee for National Liberation, created in Algeria. From 1944 to January 1946, de Gaulle was the head of the French Provisional Government. After the war, he was the founder and leader of the Rally of the French People party. In 1958, Prime Minister of France. On de Gaulle's initiative, a new constitution was prepared (1958), which expanded the rights of the president. During his presidency, France implemented plans to create its own nuclear forces and withdrew from the NATO military organization; Soviet-French cooperation received significant development.

Origin. Formation of worldview

Charles De Gaulle was born on November 22, 1890, in Lille, into an aristocratic family and was brought up in the spirit of patriotism and Catholicism. In 1912, he graduated from the Saint-Cyr military school, becoming a professional soldier. He fought on the fields of the First World War 1914-1918, was captured, and was released in 1918.

De Gaulle's worldview was influenced by such contemporaries as philosophers Henri Bergson and Emile Boutroux, writer Maurice Barrès, and poet and publicist Charles Péguy.

Even during the interwar period, Charles became a supporter of French nationalism and a supporter of a strong executive. This is confirmed by the books published by de Gaulle in the 1920-1930s - “Discord in the Land of the Enemy” (1924), “On the Edge of the Sword” (1932), “For a Professional Army” (1934), “France and Its Army” (1938). In these works devoted to military problems, de Gaulle was essentially the first in France to predict the decisive role of tank forces in a future war.

The Second World War

The Second World War, at the beginning of which Charles de Gaulle received the rank of general, turned his whole life upside down. He decisively refused the truce concluded by Marshal Henri Philippe Pétain with Nazi Germany and flew to England to organize the struggle for the liberation of France. On June 18, 1940, de Gaulle spoke on London radio with an appeal to his compatriots, in which he urged them not to lay down their arms and to join the Free France association he founded in exile (after 1942, Fighting France).

At the first stage of the war, de Gaulle directed his main efforts towards establishing control over the French colonies, which were under the rule of the pro-fascist Vichy government. As a result, Chad, Congo, Ubangi-Chari, Gabon, Cameroon, and later other colonies joined the Free French. Free French officers and soldiers constantly took part in Allied military operations. De Gaulle sought to build relations with England, the USA and the USSR on the basis of equality and upholding the national interests of France. After the landing of Anglo-American troops in North Africa in June 1943, the French Committee for National Liberation (FCNL) was created in the city of Algiers. Charles De Gaulle was appointed its co-chairman (along with General Henri Giraud), and then its sole chairman.

In June 1944, the FCNO was renamed the Provisional Government of the French Republic. De Gaulle became its first head. Under his leadership, the government restored democratic freedoms in France and carried out socio-economic reforms. In January 1946, de Gaulle left the post of prime minister, disagreeing on major domestic political issues with representatives of the left parties of France.

Charles de Gaulle during the Fourth Republic

That same year, the Fourth Republic was established in France. According to the 1946 Constitution, real power in the country belonged not to the president of the republic (as de Gaulle proposed), but to the National Assembly. In 1947, de Gaulle again became involved in the political life of France. He founded the Rally of the French People (RPF). The main goal of the RPF was to fight for the abolition of the 1946 Constitution and the conquest of power through parliamentary means to establish a new political regime in the spirit of de Gaulle’s ideas. The RPF was initially a great success. 1 million people joined its ranks. But the Gaullists failed to achieve their goal. In 1953, de Gaulle dissolved the RPF and withdrew from political activities. During this period, Gaullism finally took shape as an ideological and political movement (ideas of the state and “national greatness” of France, social policy).

Fifth Republic

De Gaulle firmly pursued a course towards Algerian self-determination, despite serious opposition (rebellions of the French army and ultra-colonialists in 1960-1961, terrorist activities of the OAS, a number of assassination attempts on de Gaulle). Algeria was granted independence with the signing of the Evian Accords in April 1962. In October of the same year, the most important amendment to the 1958 Constitution was adopted in a general referendum - on the election of the president of the republic by universal suffrage. On its basis, in 1965, de Gaulle was re-elected president for a new seven-year term.

Charles de Gaulle sought to implement his foreign policy in line with his idea of the “national greatness” of France. He insisted on equal rights for France, the United States and Great Britain within NATO. Having failed to achieve success, the president withdrew France from the NATO military organization in 1966. In relations with Germany, de Gaulle managed to achieve noticeable results. In 1963, a Franco-German cooperation agreement was signed. De Gaulle was one of the first to put forward the idea of a “united Europe”. He thought of it as a “Europe of fatherlands,” in which each country would retain its political independence and national identity. De Gaulle was a supporter of the idea of détente. He set his country on the path of cooperation with the USSR, China and third world countries.

Charles de Gaulle paid less attention to domestic policy than to foreign policy. The student unrest in May 1968 indicated a serious crisis engulfing French society. Soon the president put forward a project on a new administrative division of France and Senate reform to a general referendum. However, the project did not receive the approval of the majority of the French. In April 1969, de Gaulle voluntarily resigned, finally abandoning political activity.

How General de Gaulle defeated America

In 1965, General Charles de Gaulle flew to the United States and, at a meeting with American President Lyndon Johnson, announced that he intended to exchange 1.5 billion paper dollars for gold at the official rate of $35 per ounce. Johnson was informed that a French ship loaded with dollars was in the New York port, and a French plane had landed at the airport with the same cargo on board. Johnson promised the French president serious problems. De Gaulle responded by announcing the evacuation of NATO headquarters, 29 NATO and US military bases from French territory and the withdrawal of 33 thousand alliance troops.

Ultimately, both were done.

Over the next 2 years, France managed to buy more than 3 thousand tons of gold from the United States in exchange for dollars.

What happened to those dollars and gold?

De Gaulle is said to have been very impressed by an anecdote told to him by the former Minister of Finance in the Clemenceau government. At an auction for a painting by Raphael, an Arab offers oil, a Russian offers gold, and an American takes out a wad of banknotes and buys it for 10 thousand dollars. In response to de Gaulle's perplexed question, the minister explains to him that the American bought the painting for only 3 dollars, because... The cost of printing one $100 bill is 3 cents. And de Gaulle unequivocally and definitively believed in gold and only gold. In 1965, de Gaulle decided that he did not need these pieces of paper.

De Gaulle's victory was Pyrrhic. He himself lost his post. And the dollar took the place of gold in the global monetary system. Just a dollar. Without any gold content.

Biography

Charles de Gaulle (Gaulle) (November 22, 1890, Lille - November 9, 1970, Colombe-les-deux-Eglises), French politician and statesman, founder and first president of the Fifth Republic.

Origin. Formation of worldview.

De Gaulle was born into an aristocratic family and raised in the spirit of patriotism and Catholicism. In 1912 he graduated from the Saint-Cyr military school, becoming a professional military man. He fought on the fields of the First World War 1914-1918, was captured, and was released in 1918. De Gaulle's worldview was influenced by such contemporaries as the philosophers A. Bergson and E. Boutroux, the writer M. Barres, and the poet C. Peguy. Even during the interwar period, he became a supporter of French nationalism and a supporter of a strong executive power. This is confirmed by the books published by de Gaulle in the 1920-30s - “Discord in the Land of the Enemy” (1924), “On the Edge of the Sword” (1932), “For a Professional Army” (1934), “France and Its Army” (1938). In these works devoted to military problems, de Gaulle was essentially the first in France to predict the decisive role of tank forces in a future war.

The Second World War.

The Second World War, at the beginning of which de Gaulle received the rank of general, turned his whole life upside down. He resolutely refused the truce concluded by Marshal A.F. Pétain with Nazi Germany and flew to England to organize the struggle for the liberation of France. On June 18, 1940, de Gaulle spoke on London radio with an appeal to his compatriots, in which he urged them not to lay down their arms and to join the Free France association he founded in exile (after 1942, Fighting France). At the first stage of the war, de Gaulle directed his main efforts towards establishing control over the French colonies, which were under the rule of the pro-fascist Vichy government. As a result, Chad, Congo, Ubangi-Shari, Gabon, Cameroon, and later other colonies joined the Free France. Free French officers and soldiers constantly took part in Allied military operations. De Gaulle sought to build relations with England, the USA and the USSR on the basis of equality and upholding the national interests of France. After the landing of Anglo-American troops in North Africa in June 1943, the French Committee for National Liberation (FCNL) was created in the city of Algiers. De Gaulle was appointed its co-chairman (along with General A. Giraud), and then its sole chairman. In June 1944, the FCNO was renamed the Provisional Government of the French Republic. De Gaulle became its first head. Under his leadership, the government restored democratic freedoms in France and carried out socio-economic reforms. In January 1946, de Gaulle left the post of prime minister, disagreeing on major domestic political issues with representatives of the left parties of France.

During the Fourth Republic.

Fifth Republic.

The Algerian crisis of 1958 (Algeria's struggle for independence) paved the way for de Gaulle to power. Under his direct leadership, the 1958 Constitution was developed, which significantly expanded the prerogatives of the country's president (executive branch) at the expense of parliament. This is how the Fifth Republic, which still exists today, began its history. De Gaulle was elected its first president for a seven-year term. The priority task of the president and government was to resolve the “Algerian problem.” De Gaulle firmly pursued a course towards self-determination in Algeria, despite serious opposition (rebellions of the French army and ultra-colonialists in 1960-1961, terrorist activities of the OAS, a number of assassination attempts on de Gaulle). Algeria was granted independence with the signing of the Evian Accords in April 1962. In October of the same year, the most important amendment to the 1958 Constitution was adopted in a general referendum - on the election of the president of the republic by universal suffrage. On its basis, in 1965, de Gaulle was re-elected president for a new seven-year term. De Gaulle sought to pursue foreign policy in line with his idea of the “national greatness” of France. He insisted on equal rights for France, the United States and Great Britain within NATO. Unable to achieve success, the president withdrew France from the NATO military organization in 1966. In relations with Germany, de Gaulle managed to achieve noticeable results. In 1963, a Franco-German cooperation agreement was signed. De Gaulle was one of the first to put forward the idea of a “united Europe”. He thought of it as a “Europe of fatherlands,” in which each country would retain its political independence and national identity. De Gaulle was a supporter of the idea of détente. He set his country on the path of cooperation with the USSR, China and third world countries. De Gaulle paid less attention to domestic policy than to foreign policy. The student unrest in May 1968 indicated a serious crisis engulfing French society. Soon the president put forward a project on a new administrative division of France and Senate reform to a general referendum. However, the project did not receive the approval of the majority of the French. In April 1969, de Gaulle voluntarily resigned, finally abandoning political activity.

Features of the political course of Charles de Gaulle (Course work)

Introduction

The history of modern France is inextricably linked with the name of Charles de Gaulle, an outstanding military, political and statesman. His influence on the course of socio-political development of France and all of Europe as a whole is so great that it cannot be compared. Charles de Gaulle made a great contribution to the history of the French state and international relations in the twentieth century. This explains the relevance of the topic of this course work.

They began to write about the President of the V Republic during his lifetime. In Russia, the first biography of de Gaulle was published by Vera Ivanovna Antyukhina-Moskvichenko. In the last two decades, the volume of data on Charles de Gaulle has increased dramatically.

When writing this work, a complex of sources was used, in particular the works of Charles de Gaulle himself, where the president describes and analyzes his activities, and literature. Literature can be divided into the following groups: reference and encyclopedic literature, educational literature, periodicals, monographs. From the monograph, one can highlight Marina Arzakanyan’s book “De Gaulle”. This book is the most complete biography of Charles de Gaulle, which describes all the details of his life, studies, participation in the First and Second World Wars and political activities.

The purpose of this work is to identify the peculiarities of the political course of Charles de Gaulle.

In accordance with the following tasks:

* consider the categorical and conceptual apparatus on the topic of the course work;
* characterize the conditions for the formation of Charles de Gaulle as a politician;
* analyze the internal politics of France;
* determine the position of France in the system of international relations.

To study this topic, methods of system analysis, systematization, and comparative analysis were used. Using these methods, all the material considered on the topic of the course work was systematized and analyzed, the features of the domestic and foreign policy of France during the reign of Charles de Gaulle were identified.

The presented course work consists of two chapters. The first chapter is a theoretical part, which reveals the basic concepts of politics and gives a brief overview of the biography of General de Gaulle. The second chapter is a practical part. It is dedicated to the activities of Charles de Gaulle in the political sphere.

Chapter 1. Personality in the context of political activity

1 Policy: definition and approaches

Within the framework of the topic of this course work, the main directions of the domestic and foreign policy of France during the reign of Charles de Gaulle will be considered. In order to better navigate this topic, it is necessary to characterize the basic concepts of political science.

There are many definitions of the concept "policy". From the point of view of anthropology, politics is a form of civilized communication between people based on law, a way of collective human existence. From a systemic point of view, politics is a relatively independent system, a complex social organism, an integrity limited from the environment and in continuous interaction with it.1

In general, this phenomenon can be given the following definition: politics is the activity of individuals and social groups associated with relationships regarding the conquest, retention and use of power in order to realize their interests. Depending on the scale and level of policy implementation, foreign and domestic policies are distinguished.2

Domestic policy is a set of activities of the state, its structures and institutions for the organizational, concrete and substantive expression of the interests of the people 1) 1890 - 1940. - raising Charles in the family, receiving an education, participating in the First World War.

1940 - 1958 - Charles de Gaulle's participation in World War II and the beginning of his political career.

1958 - 1970 - Charles de Gaulle - President of the V Republic.

When considering the main stages of Charles de Gaulle's life, special attention will be paid to how de Gaulle came into politics.

De Gaulle was born in 1890 in Lille. His parents, Jeanne and Henri de Gaulle, a nobleman and a devout Catholic, had only five children. Charles spent his childhood in a large apartment near Rue Vaugirard on the left bank of the Seine. Mother and father attached great importance to the patriotic education of children; they were taught discipline from a very early age. During his childhood games, Charles already imagined himself as a commander and always played only for the French.1 Why exactly for the French is easy to guess. The spirit of patriotism and love for France reigned in the family, which later influenced de Gaulle’s fate and choice of a military career.

In 1896, Charles entered the elementary school of St. Thomas Aquinas, and in 1900, the Jesuit College of the Immaculate Conception. Proud and obstinate, Charles was at the same time a romantically minded young man who knew how to admire and think deeply about the future of his homeland.1 Much attention at the college is paid to religious disciplines, education and ancient heritage. The Jesuits took the teaching of French language and literature, history, geography, mathematics, and German very seriously. Little de Gaulle immediately fell in love with history, and he was especially interested in the past of his native country. Poetry becomes Charles's real passion in adolescence. While no one is at home, he reads, thinks, writes, and not only poetry. At the age of 14, Charles writes a short story, “The German Campaign,” in which he imagines himself as the commander of French troops fighting against Germany.2

Charles de Gaulle grew up as a true patriot, interested in the past of his country and thinking about its future. It is not surprising that when the time came to choose a profession, Charles de Gaulle decided to become a military man.

At the end of the summer of 1907, Charles and his brother Jacques left for the small Belgian town of Antoine, where he entered the Jesuit college Sacré-Coeur. The following summer, seventeen-year-old Charles makes his first trip abroad with the Jesuit fathers - to Germany and Switzerland. At the beginning of autumn, he returns to Paris in a good mood and firmly decides to enter the Saint-Cyr military school, since he believes that “the army occupies a very large place in the life of peoples.”3

In the fall of 1909, eighteen-year-old Charles de Gaulle successfully passed his exams and became a cadet at a military school. The first important step towards achieving the great goal of becoming a military man has been taken. According to the existing order, before studying, all enlisted people must first spend a year in any branch of the active army, where they were trained in military affairs and accustomed to strict routines and discipline. Charles chooses infantry and goes to the city of Arras.

In October 1910, the young de Gaulle, with the rank of corporal, crossed the threshold of the famous military school, where he brilliantly completed his studies in 1912 and graduated with the rank of junior lieutenant with excellent certification. While studying in Saint-Cyr, de Gaulle was independent, but always responsive and friendly. He was distinguished by his straight posture and tall stature. The students tried to follow the motto of Saint-Cyr - “Learn to win!” The school adopted the following daily routine: wake up at five thirty, breakfast at six, physical training classes took place from seven to nine - gymnastics, fencing, horse riding. Then, until noon, the pupils attended lessons on law, history, geography, and French literature. The afternoon was devoted exclusively to military affairs. This daily routine required concentration, discipline, and great dedication from the students. Charles de Gaulle immediately showed himself to be a man who was not afraid of any difficulties. The school teachers praised de Gaulle:

* "Behavior - impeccable
* Abilities - bright
* Character - straight
* Diligence is great"

Upon graduation from college, Charles de Gaulle became an officer and came under the command of Colonel Philippe Petain. In the fall of 1913, de Gaulle became a lieutenant and continued to serve in Arras. In August 1914, the First World War began. Charles de Gaulle went through all the harsh everyday life of this war. In 1916, the largest battle took place on the Western Front in the area of the city of Verdun. The regiment in which de Gaulle served and was battalion commander immediately went on the offensive. The battalion was almost completely destroyed, and de Gaulle was seriously wounded, from which he lost consciousness and was considered dead. In fact, Charles de Gaulle survived. He was captured, from which he tried to escape five times, and all attempts ended in failure. De Gaulle was released only in 1918 after the signing of an armistice with Germany. It is easy to imagine what Charles de Gaulle's state of mind was like. Losing a battle, being captured and not being able to escape from there was humiliating and unacceptable.

It is difficult to recover from such a defeat. Therefore, de Gaulle was thinking about saying goodbye to his military career forever. However, by nature, de Gaulle was an ambitious and purposeful person; he was not used to retreating from his intended goal. And Charles’s relatives convinced him that he should continue his military career. That's why he didn't leave the army. At the beginning of 1919, he was sent for an internship to the Saint-Mexican military school, where he served.

Soon Charles de Gaulle married the daughter of an industrialist, Yvonne, whom he was introduced to by a friend of his mother. He spent his honeymoon with his young wife in Italy. In 1921, Yvonne gave birth to a boy. After the birth of his child, de Gaulle decided to temporarily change his occupation and got a job as a history teacher in Saint-Cyr and at the same time did an internship in different troops. History attracted the future president from childhood; in addition, his father was a historian, however, he could not completely give up his military career.

In November 1922, Charles de Gaulle became a student at the Higher Military School. His goal was to achieve significant success in military activities, and he gradually, step by step moved towards it.1

In September 1924, de Gaulle was appointed to the general headquarters of the French army in the Rhineland and left for Mainz. He received a promotion only in 1927. During his military service, Charles did not stop writing. He writes articles on military topics for periodicals and monitors the situation on the Rhine. Meanwhile, France soon disbanded all the regiments that occupied the Rhine, and de Gaulle was sent to Lebanon.2

In 1931, Charles de Gaulle returned to Paris and was appointed secretary of the Supreme Council of National Defense. In 1933, de Gaulle received the rank of lieutenant colonel. From this moment a new stage of his military career begins. He was given the task of developing the text of a law on the organization of public services in peace and war. There are several reasons why this task was entrusted to de Gaulle. Firstly, he has proven himself well as a military man. Secondly, de Gaulle took part in more than one war and had extensive experience in organizational and military activities. Charles de Gaulle took up the matter in the most serious manner.

When developing this law, Charles de Gaulle opposed a defensive strategy, citing the fact that it could lead to irreparable consequences. He wrote the articles “Let’s Create a Professional Army” and “How to Create a Professional Army.” In 1934, his main work was published - the book “For a Professional Army”, in which de Gaulle declares the need to create a professional army capable of withstanding any enemy attacks. The publication of this book did not live up to de Gaulle's hopes, but it attracted attention in Germany. The lieutenant colonel put forward his own military doctrine, but it did not find a response among the highest military ranks. Then de Gaulle realized that in order to implement his ideas it was necessary to enlist the support of influential politicians.

At the end of 1934, de Gaulle's friend Jean Auburtin introduced him to the right-wing politician Paul Reynaud. Paul Reynaud was inspired by de Gaulle's idea of creating mechanized army units and decided to promote its implementation.

Having created a new cabinet, Paul Reynaud appointed de Gaulle Deputy Minister of War. One of Charles de Gaulle's most important tasks was to meet with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and obtain military assistance from him. De Gaulle successfully fulfills this task.1

During World War II, the colonel did not leave military activities. De Gaulle was appointed commander of the tank forces of the 5th Army. His division, at the cost of incredible efforts, managed to stop the enemy near Alsace.

During this period, de Gaulle not only advanced far up the military career ladder, but also managed to get into the political elite; he takes part in the management and organization of the country's military forces. The following qualities helped him in this: determination, ambition, hard work, connections.

De Gaulle's formation as a politician began with his upbringing in the family. Charles's parents early instilled in Charles a love of France and raised him in the spirit of patriotism, which affected de Gaulle's interest in the fate of his country. It is therefore not surprising that Charles de Gaulle's favorite subject was history, which allowed him not only to learn about France's past, but also to reflect on its future.

The final formation of the personal qualities of the future politician occurred in the process of receiving military education and developing a career in this field. The strict daily routine that was present at the military school taught de Gaulle discipline and taught him how to rationally organize his activities. Constantly being in a team contributed to the development of communication skills in the future politician. Participation in hostilities, including the experience of being in captivity, strengthened character, taught us to deal with difficulties and hardships and not to deviate from the intended goal.

Having taken a managerial position, de Gaulle manifests himself as an army reformer. Having analyzed the weaknesses of the French military structure, he proposes projects for its modernization. However, without receiving support from the government, de Gaulle sets the goal of becoming a politician to implement his ideas. De Gaulle's main aspiration was to stabilize the internal system of the state and increase the country's role in the international arena.

Chapter 2. The concept of political activity of Charles de Gaulle

1 De Gaulle's domestic policy

Charles de Gaulle's political activities extended to the domestic and foreign policies of France. This paragraph presents the development of the internal politics of the Fifth Republic.

De Gaulle devoted his main attention to the development of a new Constitution for France. According to the Constitution of the IV Republic, the president, elected by parliament for a term of seven years, had a limited sphere of competence; he was rather invested with the appearance of power, since he could influence the adoption of laws only in individual cases. In general, all power was assigned to parliament. De Gaulle sought to completely change the established order. He entrusted the drafting of the project to a group of high-ranking officials - members of the State Council, led by Debre. The State Council began its work on June 12. The draft being developed was discussed in parts by the Government Committee, headed by General de Gaulle himself. The Constitutional Advisory Committee met for about half a month. By the end of July, the draft Constitution was drawn up.

On September 1, 1958, the third post-liberation referendum on constitutional issues was held in France. In October of the same year, a new French constitution came into force, establishing a new political order in the country.

According to this document, the powers of the president were significantly expanded. He received the right:

* appoint the prime minister and individual ministers;
* return bills adopted by Parliament for re-discussion;
* submit to a referendum, at the proposal of the government or both chambers, any bill concerning the organization of state power or the approval of international agreements that could affect the activities of state institutions;
* dissolve the National Assembly and call new elections.1

Legislative power belonged to parliament, consisting of two chambers. The first chamber - the National Assembly - was elected by direct universal suffrage for a term of five years. It passes laws governing the exercise of civil rights, the judicial system, the tax system, elections, the status of civil servants and nationalization. In such important areas as defense, organization and revenue of local governments, education, labor law, and the status of trade unions, the National Assembly should determine only “general principles.” All other issues are resolved by the government and administration in the exercise of administrative power. The second chamber, with the right of “delaying veto” - the Senate, was elected by indirect voting, renewed every three years by one third. The National Assembly, like the Senate, could neither control nor remove the president. It could only achieve the resignation of the government.2 Article 16 of the 1958 Constitution gave the right to the president of the republic in emergency circumstances to take full power into his own hands.3

Charles de Gaulle drafted the new Constitution in such a way that almost all power was in the hands of the president, and none of the elected chambers could influence the adoption of a particular decision. That is, in fact, the Constitution legally formalized the regime of personal power of the president.

Believing that the new Constitution would lead to a dangerous expansion of executive power and threaten democratic freedoms, the Communist Party called for a vote against it. The draft Constitution was also criticized by some socialists, left-wing radicals and groups close to them, whose leaders were Pierre Mendès-France and François Miterrand. However, all other political parties, including the official leadership of the Socialist Party, approved the government bill. During the referendum, 79% of voters voted for the draft Constitution. He was supported not only by the right, but also by many left-wing voters who were disillusioned with the political system and practical activities of the Fourth Republic. Between a third and a half of voters who supported the draft Constitution believed that if it were rejected and de Gaulle resigned, civil war would break out in France.

De Gaulle's personal authority was of great importance. Many French, who remembered his role in the Resistance movement and his struggle against the “European army,” believed that only de Gaulle could adequately defend national interests and achieve peace in Algeria.

Thus, de Gaulle was supported by a broad coalition of various class forces, whose participants were often guided by opposing goals. The adoption of the constitution legally formalized the creation of the Fifth Republic. In December 1958, de Gaulle was elected president of France.

Within the framework of domestic policy, the president devoted an important place to increasing the economic efficiency of French industry and its modernization. He attached particular importance to state plans, the implementation of which he called the “ardent duty” of the French. The plan consisted of three elements, closely related to each other. The first element is a real end to inflation. The cure for inflation was initially to reduce government spending while increasing revenues, with the goal of stopping the waste of national income and increasing savings. In this regard, it was proposed to limit wages and salaries in the public sector to a “fixed” four percent increase; reduce government subsidies to cover the deficit of nationalized enterprises and the social insurance system, reduce subsidies to food producers, and at the same time increase taxes on joint-stock companies and on high-income earners. The second series of measures related to currency. The goal was to establish the franc "on a sound basis" and increase the competitiveness of national goods in the common market. The third set of measures was aimed at liberalizing foreign trade exchanges.1

A whole system of government loans, subsidies and other financial and economic measures outlined in the Third (1958-1961) and Fourth (1961-1965) economic and social development plans contributed to the accelerated development of leading industries such as science and technology. De Gaulle's policy included turning France into a prosperous industrial power.2

In 1958, the fifteenth (since 1926) devaluation of the franc was carried out, which stimulated French exports. Since January 1, 1960 The government introduced a new monetary unit - the “heavy” franc, the value of which was a hundred times higher than the value of the old, “light” franc. The strength of the franc was proclaimed not only in France, but also recognized abroad. The franc became convertible and could be exchanged for any hard currency. In addition, new coins and banknotes were issued (one new franc per hundred old).1

In 1959 and 1961, regulations were issued on the “interest” of workers in the results of the enterprise. Entrepreneurs were encouraged to allocate a small portion of their profits to reward workers (in the form of additional bonuses or special “worker shares”). However, most entrepreneurs rejected this proposal.

Much attention was paid by the government to the development of culture. The budget of the Ministry of Culture, which was headed by the famous writer and resistance participant A. Malraux, increased 3 times faster than the budgets of other ministries. Malraux launched a broad campaign to protect and disseminate cultural heritage: the construction of museums, libraries, houses for youth and culture. Restoration of historical monuments has begun. Masterpieces of French architecture - the Louvre, Notre Dame Cathedral, the Palace of Justice, the Pantheon, the Arc de Triomphe - have again regained their pristine white color.

French cinema was booming. French directors of the “new wave” - Francois Truffaut, Claude Chabrol and others - won worldwide recognition. They updated the themes and style of cinema, abandoned pompous commercial films, turned to the everyday life of people, especially young people, and criticized modern society and traditional social values.

Having analyzed the main actions of the government led by de Gaulle in the field of domestic policy, we can highlight the following priorities of its concepts in this area:

* normalization of the internal situation in France, strengthening the political role of the president,
* concentration of all power in the hands of the president,
* increasing the competitiveness of the economy,
* modernization of social policy and development of culture.

A set of these measures made it possible to stabilize the position of the French Republic after World War II.

2 De Gaulle's foreign policy

Charles de Gaulle's main attention was given to the field of foreign policy. In this area, a number of directions can be distinguished: colonial (Algerian), North American (relations with the USA, Great Britain), European (relations with Germany, ECSC countries), Franco-Soviet direction.

A dangerous situation that required immediate government intervention arose in Algeria. The President was a supporter of the independence of the colony. He was convinced that France could not follow any other path, and considered it pointless to keep Algeria by force under French sovereignty. However, not all members of the government shared his point of view: Algeria split the French in two. Some of the French sympathized with the Algerian Europeans and believed that the metropolis was obliged to protect their interests. Others believed that France, suffering huge losses in the colonial war, should leave these overseas departments.1 On June 4, 1958, Charles de Gaulle flew to Algeria. He firmly pursued a course towards Algerian self-determination, despite serious opposition (rebellions of the French army and supporters of maintaining colonial dependence on France in 1960-1961, terrorist activities of the OAS, a number of assassination attempts on de Gaulle).2

Upon his arrival in Algiers, de Gaulle addressed a large crowd of French and Algerians. He said: “I know what happened here. I know what you wanted to do. I see that the road that you opened in Algeria is the path of renewal and brotherhood. I say renewal in all respects, including ours.” institutions. I declare: from today, France considers that in all of Algeria there is only one category of inhabitants - full-fledged Frenchmen with the same rights and duties."1

In April 1962, the Evian Agreements were signed, according to which Algeria was granted independence.2 The new French constitution introduced a separate section regulating the status of French colonies. It proclaimed the creation of a “Community consisting of the French Republic and all its overseas territories.” One of the articles in this section stated that all "overseas departments" of France could retain their status as part of the republic, as well as "form separate states" if their territorial assemblies express their will no later than four months after adoption of the constitution.3 Algeria became “French,” which the ultra-colonialists had been waiting for from the president for a very long time.

The next component of de Gaulle's foreign policy was the elimination of France's dependence on the "senior partners" in the North Atlantic Pact - the USA and England. In 1959, the president removed the French fleet based in the Mediterranean from NATO control and prohibited the deployment of American nuclear missile weapons on French territory. Believing that only the possession of its own nuclear weapons could guarantee the "greatness of the nation", de Gaulle's government made enormous and expensive efforts to create a nuclear strike force. In February 1960, having exploded its first atomic bomb at one of the French test sites in the Sahara, France entered the “club of atomic powers” along with the USSR, the USA and Great Britain. However, while continuing to implement plans to create its own nuclear forces, France did not sign the Triple Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (1963). France did not sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (1968), however, declaring at the UN that it would behave in this area in the same way as the states that acceded to this Treaty.1

De Gaulle was not opposed to the idea of détente; he understood the importance of cooperation in the international sphere. Therefore, the most important direction of his foreign policy was rapprochement with Germany. In September 1958 De Gaulle's first meeting took place with German Chancellor Karl Adenauer, during which both leaders announced their desire to “put an end to the previous hostility forever.” In January 1963, in Paris, they signed an agreement on cooperation in the fields of foreign policy, defense, education and youth education. They decided to consult with each other regularly.

France's European policy has changed significantly. Having condemned the plans for the military-political “integration of Europe,” de Gaulle contrasted them with the idea of a “Europe of states” - an interstate union in which all its members would retain their national sovereignty. The French government opposed England's admission to the Common Market, believing that the British government was too closely connected with the United States and could become a conductor of American influence in Europe. By the end of the 50s. Relations between the ECSC countries began to improve, and France became involved in the further development of integration processes in Europe. In 1959, France implemented the 1957 Treaty of Rome on the Common Market. Economic cooperation began to develop between the EEC countries.

In the Middle East, France, while maintaining ties with Israel, decided to pursue a policy of “friendship and cooperation” towards the Arab countries, where about 100 million people lived and 70% of the world’s oil reserves were located. In June 1967, after the start of Israel's "six-day war against the Arab states", the French government acceded to the UN Security Council resolution demanding the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied territories.1

France's relations with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries improved significantly. In 1960, at the invitation of President de Gaulle, the head of the Soviet government N.S. visited France for the first time. Khrushchev. As a result of his trip, the USSR and France agreed to expand trade and cultural ties with each other. Agreements were concluded on scientific cooperation, including the peaceful use of atomic energy. In 1966, President de Gaulle made a return visit to the USSR. It ended with the adoption of a joint declaration, which proclaimed the desire of the USSR and France to establish an “atmosphere of detente” between East and West. France and the Soviet Union agreed to hold regular political consultations with the aim of developing Franco-Soviet relations "from agreement to cooperation."

In the field of foreign policy, Charles de Gaulle took a number of actions to increase the role of France in the international arena. France became an independent strong power. De Gaulle brought the country out of subordination to the United States and England and established relations with European countries and the Soviet Union. This contributed to the development of the country's economy. Thanks to the efforts of Charles de Gaulle, France became one of the great powers.

Conclusion

The reign of Charles de Gaulle was called "Gaullism". Now “Gaullism” is a political ideology based on the ideas and actions of General de Gaulle.

The main idea of "Gaullism" is the independence of France from any other states, giving it the status of great. Charles de Gaulle managed to bring French policy out of the subordination of such great powers as the USA and England. Charles de Gaulle established relations with a number of European countries, primarily with Germany and the Soviet Union, which helped not only the development of the country itself and its economy, but also made a great contribution to the development of international relations.

During his entire tenure as president, de Gaulle managed to make a number of internal political changes in the country. A new version of the Constitution was published, the text of which granted full power to the president. The economic sphere and social policy received further development. The government's actions led to the stabilization of the country's internal situation and economic recovery after World War II. Fiscal measures strengthened the French currency, making it more competitive. In addition, the president paid attention to the preservation of cultural values and support for art. All cultural monuments destroyed after the war were restored and acquired their original appearance.

Being a talented theorist, Charles de Gaulle twice successfully ruled the country and twice managed to bring it out of a deep crisis, thanks to his ability to competently organize the activities of the structure entrusted to him. After resigning as president, Charles de Gaulle left the country “on the rise.”

List of sources and literature used

Sources

* 1. Statements of Charles de Gaulle [Electronic resource] - #"justify">Appendix No. 1
* 2. Charles de Gaulle - “the greatest of the French.”

Appendix No. 2

Quotes by Charles de Gaulle.

* "You will live, only the best are killed."
* “When I’m right, I usually get angry. And Churchill gets angry when he’s wrong. So it turned out that we were very often angry with each other.”
* “I respect only those who fight with me, but I do not intend to tolerate them.”
* "The minister should not complain about newspapers or even read them. He should write them."
* “Always choose the most difficult path - you will not meet competitors on it.”
* "You can be sure that Americans will do every stupid thing they can think of, plus a few more that are unimaginable."
* "Me or chaos."
* "France is only truly France if it stands in the forefront... France, devoid of greatness, ceases to be France"

Biography

Like all great statesmen, Charles de Gaulle has been preserved in people's memory in a very contradictory manner. Sometimes it seems that when talking about him, they are talking about completely different people. Regardless of subjective opinions, he is the founding father of the modern French state, proudly calling itself the Fifth Republic. In the 42 years since his death, the political husks have fallen away from the image of this man, and it has become clear that this military general saw the future better than most of his contemporaries.

Biography

He was born in the century before last, in 1890 in Lille, and since childhood he dreamed of achievements for the glory of France, so, quite logically, he chose a military career. He graduated from the military school in Saint-Cyr. He experienced his baptism of fire on the fronts of the First World War, was seriously wounded, counted among the dead, and was captured. I regularly tried to escape. He was imprisoned in a fortress, where he met the Russian lieutenant Mikhail Tukhachevsky. He eventually fled, but de Gaulle did not succeed. He was released only after the defeat of Germany, but did not go home, but remained in Poland as an instructor. There he had to take part in repelling the attack of the Red Army, which was led by his acquaintance Tukhachevsky.

De Gaulle regarded the behavior of Marshal Pétain, who surrendered France to the Germans, as betrayal. From this moment, the new life of General Charles de Gaulle, the leader of the struggle for the liberation of the Motherland from the occupiers, begins. The enormous moral authority acquired in this role was the reason that at the end of the war France was among the victors of Nazism. The struggle was not only military, but also political, and thus forged a public figure who rallied the French (often against their will) in order to bring France into the first rank of world powers.

Although he had been the head of the French Provisional Government since 1944, he left it after the adoption of the constitution of the Fourth Republic in 1946 due to disagreements with left-wing politicians. To him, a staunch supporter of strong centralized power, it seemed disastrous to give power in the country to a collective body - the National Assembly. Time has shown that he was right. When the Algerian crisis arrived in 1958, Charles de Gaulle returned to politics, his party won the elections, held a referendum on the new constitution, and he became its first president with full powers.

And first of all, de Gaulle ends the war in Algeria. This act of his earned him the gratitude of many French, but also the hatred of those who were forced to leave this colony, and after it many others. There were 15 assassination attempts on de Gaulle's life, but he happily escaped death. His indisputable merit was the technical breakthrough made by France in the post-war years. The French independently mastered nuclear technology and equipped their army with atomic weapons and their energy networks with nuclear power plants.

Charles's opinion on American monetary expansion surprised many at the time. Back in 1965, during an official visit to America, he brought Lyndon Johnson a whole ship loaded to the brim with dollars, and demanded their exchange at the official rate of 35 dollars per ounce of gold. Johnson tried to scare the old soldier into trouble, but he attacked the wrong one. De Gaulle threatened to leave the NATO bloc, which he soon did, despite the fact that the exchange was made. After this episode, America completely abandoned the gold standard, and we are all reaping the fruits of this today. The wise President of France saw this danger a long time ago.

In his name...

France appreciated its general soon after his death. Today, in the eyes of the French, de Gaulle is almost equal to Napoleon I. The flagship of the French navy, the first nuclear-powered aircraft carrier built outside the United States and without its help, the largest ship launched in France in 1994, is named after him. Today it is the most combat-ready ship in Europe.

Many thousands of visitors to France set foot on its soil at Roissy-Charles de Gaulle airport. Its ultra-modern design, which is combined with fantastic technical equipment, makes this airport a true masterpiece of architecture and technology.

One of the central squares of Paris - d'Etoile, Place des Stars, now bears the name of de Gaulle. Only knowing the desire of the French to preserve any details of history in every possible way, one can understand how much this means in their eyes. There is a monument to the general on the square (by the way, the French most often refer to him as “General de Gaulle”). Another square named after him is located in Moscow, in front of the Cosmos Hotel.

There is a lot more that can be said about this extraordinary man. But what is especially touching is the fact that he bequeathed to bury himself next to his daughter, who died early and was disabled from birth. It turns out that he was also capable of deep and tender love, this soldier and politician who was not afraid of anyone or anything...

Biography (en.wikipedia.org)

Childhood. Carier start

Charles de Gaulle was born on November 22, 1890 into a patriotic Catholic family. Although the de Gaulley family is noble, the de in the surname is not the traditional French “particle” of noble surnames, but the Flemish form of the article. Charles, like his three brothers and sister, was born in Lille in his grandmother's house, where his mother came every time before giving birth, although the family lived in Paris. His father Henri de Gaulle was a professor of philosophy and literature at a Jesuit school, which greatly influenced Charles. From early childhood he loved to read. History struck him so much that he developed an almost mystical concept of serving France.

In his War Memoirs, de Gaulle wrote: “My father, an educated and thoughtful man, brought up in certain traditions, was filled with faith in the high mission of France. He first introduced me to her story. My mother had a feeling of boundless love for her homeland, which can only be compared with her piety. My three brothers, my sister, myself - we were all proud of our homeland. This pride, mixed with a sense of anxiety for her fate, was second nature to us.” Jacques Chaban-Delmas, the hero of the Liberation, then the permanent chairman of the National Assembly during the years of the General's presidency, recalls that this “second nature” surprised not only people of the younger generation, to which Chaban-Delmas himself belonged, but also de Gaulle’s peers. Subsequently, de Gaulle recalled his youth: “I believed that the meaning of life was to accomplish an outstanding feat in the name of France, and that the day would come when I would have such an opportunity.”

Already as a boy he showed great interest in military affairs. After a year of preparatory exercises at the Stanislas College in Paris, he was accepted into the Special Military School in Saint-Cyr. He chooses the infantry as his branch of the army: it is more “military” because it is closest to combat operations. After graduating 13th from Saint-Cyr in 1912, de Gaulle served in the 33rd Infantry Regiment under the command of the then Colonel Pétain.

World War I

Since the beginning of the First World War on August 12, 1914, Lieutenant de Gaulle has taken part in military operations as part of the 5th Army of Charles Lanrezac, stationed in the northeast. Already on August 15 in Dinan he received his first wound; he returned to duty after treatment only in October. On March 10, 1915, at the Battle of Mesnil-le-Hurlu, he was wounded for the second time. He returns to the 33rd Regiment with the rank of captain and becomes company commander. In the Battle of Verdun near the village of Douaumont in 1916, he was wounded for the third time. Left on the battlefield, he - posthumously - receives honors from the army. However, Charles survives and is captured by the Germans; he is treated at the Mayenne hospital and held in various fortresses.

De Gaulle makes six attempts to escape. Mikhail Tukhachevsky, the future marshal of the Red Army, was also captured with him; Communication begins between them, including on military-theoretical topics. While in captivity, de Gaulle read German authors, learned more and more about Germany, this later greatly helped him in his military command. It was then that he wrote his first book, “Discord in the Enemy's Camp” (published in 1916).

Poland, military training, family

De Gaulle was released from captivity only after the armistice on November 11, 1918. From 1919 to 1921, de Gaulle was in Poland, where he taught the theory of tactics at the former imperial guard school in Rembertow near Warsaw, and in July - August 1920 he fought for a short time on the front of the Soviet-Polish war of 1919-1921 with the rank of major (in the troops of the RSFSR in this conflict, the commander, ironically, is Tukhachevsky). Having rejected the offer to take a permanent position in the Polish Army and returning to his homeland, on April 6, 1921 he married Yvonne Vandroux. On December 28, 1921, his son Philippe was born, named after his boss - later the notorious collaborator and antagonist of de Gaulle, Marshal Philippe Pétain. Captain de Gaulle taught at the Saint-Cyr school, then in 1922 he was admitted to the Higher Military School. On May 15, 1924, daughter Elizabeth is born. In 1928, the youngest daughter Anna was born, suffering from Down syndrome (Anna died in 1948; de Gaulle was subsequently a trustee of the Foundation for Children with Down Syndrome).

Military theorist

In the 1930s, Lieutenant Colonel and then Colonel de Gaulle became widely known as the author of military theoretical works such as “For a Professional Army”, “On the Edge of the Sword”, “France and Its Army”. In his books, de Gaulle, in particular, pointed out the need for the comprehensive development of tank forces as the main weapon of a future war. In this, his works come close to the works of Germany's leading military theorist, Heinz Guderian. However, de Gaulle's proposals did not evoke understanding among the French military command and in political circles. In 1935, the National Assembly rejected the army reform bill prepared by future Prime Minister Paul Reynaud according to de Gaulle's plans as "useless, undesirable and contrary to logic and history."

In 1932-1936, Secretary General of the Supreme Defense Council. In 1937-1939, commander of a tank regiment.

The Second World War. Leader of the Resistance

The beginning of the war. Before leaving for London

By the beginning of World War II, de Gaulle had the rank of colonel. The day before the start of the war (August 31, 1939), he was appointed commander of tank forces in the Saarland, and wrote on this occasion: “It fell to my lot to play a role in a terrible hoax... The several dozen light tanks that I command are just a speck of dust. We will lose the war in the most pathetic way if we don't act."

In January 1940, de Gaulle wrote an article “The Phenomenon of Mechanized Forces,” in which he emphasized the importance of interaction between heterogeneous ground forces, primarily tanks, and the Air Force.

On May 14, 1940, he was given command of the fledgling 4th Panzer Division (initially 5,000 soldiers and 85 tanks). From June 1, he temporarily acted as a brigadier general (he was never officially confirmed in this rank, and after the war he received only a colonel’s pension from the Fourth Republic). On June 6, Prime Minister Paul Reynaud appointed de Gaulle Deputy Minister of War. The general invested with this position tried to counteract the plans for a truce, which were favored by the leaders of the French military department and, above all, Minister Philippe Pétain. On June 14, de Gaulle traveled to London to negotiate ships for the evacuation of the French government to Africa; at the same time, he argued to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill “that some dramatic step was required to provide Reynaud with the support he needed to induce the government to continue the war.” However, on the same day, Paul Reynaud resigned, after which the government was headed by Pétain; Negotiations with Germany about an armistice immediately began. On June 17, 1940, de Gaulle flew from Bordeaux, where the evacuated government was based, not wanting to participate in this process, and arrived again in London. According to Churchill, “on this plane de Gaulle took with him the honor of France.”

First declarations

It was this moment that became a turning point in de Gaulle’s biography. In “Memoirs of Hope” he writes: “On June 18, 1940, answering the call of his homeland, deprived of any other help to save his soul and honor, de Gaulle, alone, unknown to anyone, had to take responsibility for France " On this day, the BBC broadcasts de Gaulle's radio speech - a speech on June 18 calling for the creation of a French Resistance. Leaflets were soon distributed in which the general addressed “all the French” (A tous les Francais) with the statement: France lost the battle, but she did not lose the war! Nothing is lost because this war is a world war. The day will come when France will regain freedom and greatness... That is why I appeal to all French people to unite around me in the name of action, sacrifice and hope.

The general accused the Pétain government of treason and declared that “with full consciousness of duty he speaks on behalf of France.” Other appeals from de Gaulle also appeared.

So de Gaulle became the head of “Free (later “Fighting”) France,” an organization designed to resist the occupiers and the collaborationist Vichy regime. The legitimacy of this organization was based, in his eyes, on the following principle: “The legitimacy of power is based on the feelings that it inspires, on its ability to ensure national unity and continuity when the homeland is in danger.”

At first he had to face considerable difficulties. “I... at first did not represent anything... In France, there was no one who could vouch for me, and I did not enjoy any fame in the country. Abroad - no trust and no justification for my activities.” The formation of the Free French organization was quite protracted. De Gaulle managed to enlist Churchill's support. On June 24, 1940, Churchill reported to General G. L. Ismay: “It seems extremely important to create now, before the trap has yet slammed shut, an organization that would allow French officers and soldiers, as well as prominent specialists who want to continue the fight, to break into various ports. It is necessary to create a kind of "underground railroad"... I have no doubt that there will be a continuous stream of determined people - and we need to get everything we can - for the defense of the French colonies. The Navy Department and the Air Force must cooperate. General de Gaulle and his committee will, of course, be the operational body.” The desire to create an alternative to the Vichy government led Churchill not only to a military, but also to a political decision: recognizing de Gaulle as “the head of all free French” (June 28, 1940) and helping to strengthen de Gaulle’s position internationally.

Control over the colonies. Development of the Resistance

Militarily, the main task was to transfer to the side of the French patriots the “French Empire” - vast colonial possessions in Africa, Indochina and Oceania. After an unsuccessful attempt to capture Dakar, de Gaulle created in Brazzaville (Congo) the Council of Defense of the Empire, the manifesto of which began with the words: “We, General de Gaulle (nous general de Gaulle), head of the free French, decree,” etc. The council includes anti-fascist military governors of the French (usually African) colonies: generals Catroux, Eboue, Colonel Leclerc. From this point on, de Gaulle emphasized the national and historical roots of his movement. He establishes the Order of Liberation, the main sign of which is the Lorraine cross with two crossbars - an ancient symbol of the French nation, dating back to the era of feudalism. At the same time, adherence to the constitutional traditions of the French Republic was also emphasized, for example, the “Organic Declaration” (the legal document of the political regime of “Fighting France”), promulgated in Brazzaville, proved the illegitimacy of the Vichy regime, citing the fact that it expelled “from its quasi-constitutional acts even the very the word “republic”, giving the head the so-called. "of the French State" unlimited power, similar to the power of an unlimited monarch."

The great success of Free France was the establishment shortly after June 22, 1941 of direct ties with the USSR (without hesitation, the Soviet leadership decided to transfer A.E. Bogomolov, its plenipotentiary representative under the Vichy regime, to London). For 1941-1942 The network of partisan organizations in occupied France also grew. Since October 1941, after the first mass executions of hostages by the Germans, de Gaulle called on all French people for a total strike and mass actions of disobedience.

Conflict with the Allies

Meanwhile, the actions of the “monarch” irritated the West. Roosevelt's staff spoke openly about the “so-called free French” who were “sowing poisonous propaganda” and interfering with the conduct of the war. On November 7, 1942, American troops land in Algeria and Morocco and negotiate with local French military leaders who supported Vichy. De Gaulle tried to convince the leaders of England and the United States that cooperation with the Vichys in Algeria would lead to the loss of moral support for the allies in France. “The United States,” said de Gaulle, “brings elementary feelings and complex politics to great affairs.”

The head of Algeria, Admiral Francois Darlan, who by that time had already gone over to the Allied side, was killed on December 24, 1942 by 20-year-old Frenchman Fernand Bonnier de La Chapelle, who, after a quick trial, was shot the next day. The Allied leadership appoints Army General Henri Giraud as the “civil and military commander-in-chief” of Algeria. In January 1943, at a conference in Casablanca, de Gaulle became aware of the Allied plan: to replace the leadership of “Fighting France” with a committee headed by Giraud, which was planned to include a large number of people who had once supported the Pétain government. In Casablanca, de Gaulle shows understandable intransigence towards such a plan. He insists on unconditional respect for the country’s national interests (in the sense as they were understood in “Fighting France”). This leads to the split of “Fighting France” into two wings: nationalist, led by de Gaulle (supported by the British government led by W. Churchill), and pro-American, grouped around Henri Giraud.

On May 27, 1943, the National Council of the Resistance meets at a founding conspiratorial meeting in Paris, which (under the auspices of de Gaulle) assumes many powers to organize the internal struggle in the occupied country. De Gaulle's position became increasingly stronger, and Giraud was forced to compromise: almost simultaneously with the opening of the NSS, he invited the general to the ruling structures of Algeria. He demands the immediate submission of Giraud (the commander of the troops) to civil authority. The situation is heating up. Finally, on June 3, 1943, the French Committee of National Liberation was formed, headed by de Gaulle and Giraud on equal terms. The majority in it, however, goes to the Gaullists, and some adherents of his rival (including Couve de Murville, the future Prime Minister of the Fifth Republic) go over to de Gaulle’s side. In November 1943, Giraud was removed from the committee.

On June 4, 1944, de Gaulle was summoned by Churchill to London. The British prime minister announced the upcoming landing of allied forces in Normandy and, at the same time, full support for Roosevelt's line of complete dictate of the will of the United States. De Gaulle was made to understand that his services were not needed. The draft address, written by General Dwight Eisenhower, ordered the French people to comply with all orders of the Allied command “until the election of legitimate authorities”; in Washington, the DeGaulle Committee was not considered such. De Gaulle's strong protest forced Churchill to grant him the right to speak separately to the French on the radio (rather than join Eisenhower's text). In the address, the general declared the legitimacy of the government formed by Fighting France and strongly opposed plans to subordinate it to American command.

Liberation of France

On June 6, 1944, Allied forces successfully landed in Normandy, thereby opening a second front in Europe. De Gaulle, after a short stay on liberated French soil, again headed to Washington for negotiations with President Roosevelt, the goal of which was still the same - to restore the independence and greatness of France (a key expression in the general’s political vocabulary). “Listening to the American president, I was finally convinced that in business relations between two states, logic and feeling mean very little in comparison with real force, that the one who knows how to grab and hold what is captured is valued here; and if France wants to take its former place, it must rely only on itself,” writes de Gaulle.

After the Resistance rebels led by Colonel Rolle-Tanguy open the way to Paris for the tank troops of the military governor of Chad, Philippe de Hautecloque (who went down in history under the name Leclerc), de Gaulle arrives in the liberated capital. A grandiose performance takes place - de Gaulle’s solemn procession through the streets of Paris, with a huge crowd of people, to which a lot of space is devoted in the general’s “War Memoirs”. The procession passes by historical places of the capital, consecrated by the heroic history of France; de Gaulle later spoke about these moments: “With every step I take, walking through the most famous places in the world, it seems to me that the glory of the past, as it were, joins the glory of today.”

Post-war government

Since August 1944, de Gaulle has been Chairman of the French Council of Ministers (Provisional Government). He subsequently characterizes his short, one-and-a-half-year activity in this post as “salvation.” France had to be “saved” from the plans of the Anglo-American bloc: the partial remilitarization of Germany, the exclusion of France from the list of great powers. Both at Dumbarton Oaks, at the Great Powers Conference on the creation of the UN, and at the Yalta Conference in January 1945, representatives of France are absent. Shortly before the Yalta meeting, de Gaulle went to Moscow with the aim of concluding an alliance with the USSR in the face of the Anglo-American danger. The general first visited the USSR from December 2 to 10, 1944, arriving in Moscow via Baku.

On the last day of this visit, Stalin and de Gaulle signed an agreement on “alliance and military assistance” in the Kremlin. The significance of this act was, first of all, to return France to the status of a great power and recognize it among the victorious states. French General de Lattre de Tassigny, together with the commanders of the Allied powers, accepted the surrender of the German armed forces in Karlshorst on the night of May 8-9, 1945. France has occupation zones in Germany and Austria.

After the war, the standard of living remained low and unemployment increased. It was not even possible to properly define the political structure of the country. Elections to the Constituent Assembly did not give an advantage to any party (the Communists received a relative majority, Maurice Thorez became Deputy Prime Minister), the draft Constitution was repeatedly rejected. After one of the next conflicts over the expansion of the military budget, de Gaulle left the post of head of government on January 20, 1946 and retired to Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises (French Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises), a small estate in Champagne (Haute-Marne department ). He himself compares his situation with the expulsion of Napoleon. But, unlike the idol of his youth, de Gaulle has the opportunity to observe French politics from the outside - not without the hope of returning to it.

In opposition

The general’s further political career is connected with the “Unification of the French People” (according to the French abbreviation RPF), with the help of which de Gaulle plans to come to power through parliamentary means. The RPF is organizing a noisy campaign. The slogans are still the same: nationalism (the fight against US influence), adherence to the traditions of the Resistance (the emblem of the RPF becomes the Cross of Lorraine, which once shone in the middle of the “Order of Liberation”), the fight against a significant communist faction in the National Assembly. Success, it would seem, accompanies de Gaulle. In the fall of 1947, the RPF won the municipal elections. In 1951, 118 seats in the National Assembly were already at the disposal of the Gaullists. But the triumph that de Gaulle dreamed of is far away. These elections did not give the RPF an absolute majority, the communists further strengthened their positions, and most importantly, de Gaulle’s electoral strategy brought bad results. The famous English analyst Alexander Werth writes: “He was not a born demagogue. At the same time, in 1947, the impression was created that he decided to behave like a demagogue and resort to all demagogic tricks and tricks. This was difficult for people who in the past had been greatly impressed by de Gaulle’s stern dignity.” Indeed, the general declares war on the system of the Fourth Republic, constantly emphasizes his right to power in the country due to the fact that he and only he led it to its liberation, devotes a significant part of his speeches to sharp criticism of the communists, etc. A large number of careerists adhere to de Gaulle , people who did not perform well during the Vichy regime. Within the walls of the National Assembly, they are involved in the parliamentary “mouse race”, giving their votes to the extreme right. Finally, the complete collapse of the RPF comes - in the same municipal elections as those with which the story of its ascent began. On May 6, 1953, the general dissolved his party.

The least open period of de Gaulle's life begins - the so-called “crossing the desert.” He spends five years in seclusion in Colombey, working on the famous “War Memoirs” in three volumes (“Conscription”, “Unity” and “Salvation”). The general not only sets out the events that have become history, but also seeks to find in them the answer to the question: what led him, an unknown brigadier general, to the role of a national leader? Only the deep conviction that “our country, in the face of other countries, must strive for great goals and not bow to anything, because otherwise it may find itself in mortal danger.”

Return to power

1957-1958 became the years of deep political crisis of the IV Republic. A protracted war in Algeria, unsuccessful attempts to form a Council of Ministers, and finally an economic crisis. According to de Gaulle’s later assessment, “many leaders of the regime realized that the problem required a radical solution. But to take the tough decisions that this problem required, to remove all obstacles to their implementation... was beyond the strength of unstable governments... The regime limited itself to supporting the struggle that raged throughout Algeria and along the borders with the help of soldiers, weapons and money. Financially, it was very expensive, because it was necessary to maintain armed forces there with a total number of 500 thousand people; this was also costly from a foreign policy point of view, because the whole world condemned the hopeless drama. As for, finally, the authority of the state, it was literally destructive.”

The so-called “far-right” military groups putting strong pressure on the Algerian military leadership. On May 10, 1958, four Algerian generals addressed President Rene Coty with an essentially ultimatum to prevent the abandonment of Algeria. On May 13, armed ultra forces seize the colonial administration building in the city of Algiers; the generals telegraphed to Paris with a demand addressed to Charles de Gaulle to “break the silence” and make an appeal to the citizens of the country with the aim of creating a “government of public trust.”

On May 15, 1958, news agencies disseminated de Gaulle's appeal:
... For 12 years now, France has been trying to solve problems that are beyond the capabilities of the party regime, and is heading towards disaster. Once, in a difficult hour, the country trusted me so that I would lead it to salvation. Today, when the country faces new challenges, let it know that I am ready to assume all the powers of the Republic.

If this statement had been made a year ago, at the height of the economic crisis, it would have been perceived as a call for a coup d'etat. Now, in the face of the serious danger of a coup, the centrists of Pflimlin, the moderate socialists of Guy Mollet, and - above all - the Algerian rebels, whom he did not directly condemn, are pinning their hopes on de Gaulle. The scales tip towards de Gaulle after the putschists capture the island of Corsica in a matter of hours. Rumors are circulating about a parachute regiment landing in Paris. At this time, the general confidently turns to the rebels demanding that they obey their command. On May 27, the “ghost government” of Pierre Pflimlen resigns. President Rene Coty, addressing the National Assembly, demands the election of de Gaulle as prime minister and the transfer of emergency powers to him to form a government and revise the Constitution. On June 1, with 329 votes, de Gaulle was confirmed as Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

Decisive opponents of de Gaulle's coming to power were: radicals led by Mendes-France, left-wing socialists (including future President Francois Mitterrand) and communists led by Thorez and Duclos. They insisted on unconditional compliance with the democratic foundations of the state, which de Gaulle wanted to revise in the very near future.

Constitutional reform. Fifth Republic

Already in August, a draft of a new Constitution, according to which France has lived to this day, was placed on the Prime Minister’s desk. The powers of parliament were significantly limited. The government's fundamental responsibility to the National Assembly remained (it can declare a vote of no confidence in the government, but the president, when appointing the prime minister, should not submit his candidacy to parliament for approval). The President, according to Article 16, in the case when “the independence of the Republic, the integrity of its territory or the fulfillment of its international obligations is under serious and immediate threat, and the normal functioning of state institutions has been terminated” (what is meant by this concept is not specified), may temporarily take completely unlimited power into your own hands.

The principle of electing the president also changed fundamentally. From now on, the head of state was elected not at a meeting of Parliament, but by an electoral college consisting of 80 thousand people's representatives (since 1962, after the adoption of constitutional amendments in a referendum, by direct and universal suffrage of the French people).

On September 28, 1958, the twelve-year history of the IV Republic ended. The French people supported the Constitution with more than 79% of the votes. It was a direct vote of confidence in the general. If before this all his claims, starting from 1940, for the post of “head of the free French” were dictated by some subjective “calling”, then the results of the referendum eloquently confirmed: yes, the people recognized de Gaulle as their leader, and it is in him that they see a way out of the current situation.

On December 21, 1958, less than three months later, 76 thousand electors in all cities of France elect a president. 75.5% of the electors cast their votes for the prime minister. On January 8, 1959, de Gaulle was solemnly inaugurated.

The post of Prime Minister of France during the presidency of de Gaulle was held by such figures of the Gaullist movement as the “knight of Gaullistism” Michel Debreu (1959-1962), the “Dauphine” Georges Pompidou (1962-1968) and his permanent Minister of Foreign Affairs (1958-1968) Maurice Couve de Murville (1968-1969).

Head of State

“The first in France,” the president was by no means eager to rest on his laurels. He poses the question:
Will I be able to make it possible to solve the vital problem of decolonization, to begin the economic and social transformation of our country in the era of science and technology, to restore the independence of our politics and our defense, to turn France into a champion of the unification of all Europe, to return France to its halo and influence in the world, especially in the “third world” countries, which it has enjoyed for many centuries? There is no doubt: this is the goal that I can and must achieve.

Decolonization. From the French Empire to the Francophone Community of Nations

De Gaulle puts the problem of decolonization first. Indeed, in the wake of the Algerian crisis, he came to power; he must now reaffirm his role as a national leader by finding a way out. In trying to accomplish this task, the president encountered desperate opposition not only from the Algerian commanders, but also from the right-wing lobby in the government. Only on September 16, 1959, the head of state offered three options for resolving the Algerian issue: a break with France, “integration” with France (to completely equate Algeria with the metropolis and extend the same rights and responsibilities to the population) and “association” (an ethnic Algerian government , which relied on the help of France and had a close economic and foreign policy alliance with the metropolis). The general clearly preferred the latter option, which was supported by the National Assembly. However, this further consolidated the ultra-right, which was fueled by the never-replaced Algerian military authorities.

On September 8, 1961, an attempt was made on de Gaulle's life - the first of fifteen organized by the right-wing "Organization of the Secret Army" (Organisation de l'Armee Secrete) - abbreviated as OAS. The story of the assassination attempts on de Gaulle formed the basis of the famous book “The Day of the Jackal” by Frederick Forsythe.

The war in Algeria ended after the signing of the bilateral agreements in Evian (March 18, 1962), which led to a referendum and the formation of an independent Algerian state. De Gaulle’s statement is significant: “The era of organized continents is replacing the colonial era.”

De Gaulle became the founder of France's new policy in the post-colonial space: the policy of cultural relations between francophone (that is, French-speaking) states and territories. Algeria was not the only country to abandon the French Empire that de Gaulle fought for in the forties. In 1960 (the “Year of Africa”), more than two dozen African states gained independence. Vietnam and Cambodia also became independent. In all these countries, thousands of French remained who did not want to lose ties with the mother country. The main goal was to ensure French influence in the world, the two poles of which - the USA and the USSR - had already been determined.

Break with the US and NATO

In 1959, the president transferred air defense, missile forces and troops withdrawn from Algeria to French command. The decision, taken unilaterally, could not but cause friction with Eisenhower, and then with his successor Kennedy. De Gaulle repeatedly asserts the right of France to do everything “as the mistress of its policy and on its own initiative.” The first nuclear weapons test, carried out in February 1960 in the Sahara Desert, marked the beginning of a series of French nuclear explosions, stopped under Mitterrand and briefly resumed by Chirac. De Gaulle personally visited nuclear facilities several times, paying great attention to both the peaceful and military development of the latest technologies.

1965 - the year of de Gaulle's re-election to a second presidential term - was the year of two blows to the policy of the NATO bloc. On February 4, the general announced the refusal to use the dollar in international payments and the transition to a single gold standard. In the spring of 1965, a French ship delivered 750 million US dollars to the United States - the first tranche of 1.5 billion that France intended to exchange for gold. [source not specified 436 days] On September 9, the President reports that France does not consider itself bound by obligations to the North Atlantic bloc . On February 21, 1966, France withdrew from the NATO military organization, and the organization's headquarters were urgently transferred from Paris to Brussels. In an official note, the Pompidou government announced the evacuation of 29 bases with 33 thousand personnel from the country.

Since that time, France's official position in international politics has become sharply anti-American. The general condemns Israel's actions in the Six Day War in 1967 and later the Vietnam War.

In 1967, during a visit to Quebec (a French-speaking province of Canada), De Gaulle, concluding a speech in front of a huge crowd of people, exclaimed: “Long live Quebec!”, and then added the instantly famous words: “Long live free Quebec!” (French: Vive le Quebec libre!). A scandal broke out. De Gaulle and his official advisers subsequently proposed a number of versions that made it possible to deflect the charge of separatism, among them that they meant the freedom of Quebec and Canada as a whole from foreign military blocs (that is, again, NATO). According to another version, based on the entire context of de Gaulle’s speech, he meant Quebec comrades in the Resistance who fought for the freedom of the whole world from Nazism. One way or another, supporters of Quebec independence referred to this incident for a very long time.

France and Europe. Special relations with Germany and the USSR

At the beginning of his reign, on November 23, 1959, de Gaulle made his famous speech on “Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals.” In the upcoming political union of European countries (the integration of the EEC was then associated mainly with the economic side of the issue), the president saw an alternative to the “Anglo-Saxon” NATO (the UK was not included in his concept of Europe). In his activities to create European unity, he made a number of compromises that determined the further uniqueness of French foreign policy to the present day.

De Gaulle's first compromise concerned the Federal Republic of Germany formed in 1949. It quickly restored its economic and military potential, nevertheless in dire need of political legalization of its fortune through an agreement with the USSR. De Gaulle made Chancellor Adenauer undertake to oppose the British plan for a “European free trade area,” which was seizing the initiative from de Gaulle, in exchange for mediation services in relations with the USSR. De Gaulle's visit to Germany on September 4-9, 1962 shocked the world community with open support for Germany from a man who fought against it in two wars; but this was the first step in the reconciliation of countries and the creation of European unity.

The second compromise was due to the fact that in the fight against NATO it was natural for the general to enlist the support of the USSR - a country that he viewed not so much as a “communist totalitarian empire” but as “eternal Russia” (cf. the establishment of diplomatic relations between the “Free France” and the leadership of the USSR in 1941-1942, a visit in 1944, pursuing one goal - to prevent the usurpation of power in post-war France by the Americans). De Gaulle's personal hostility to communism[clarify] faded into the background for the sake of the country's national interests. In 1964, the two countries entered into a trade agreement, then an agreement on scientific and technical cooperation. In 1966, at the invitation of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR N.V. Podgorny, de Gaulle paid an official visit to the USSR (June 20 - July 1, 1966). The President visited, in addition to the capital, Leningrad, Kyiv, Volgograd and Novosibirsk, where he visited the newly created Siberian Scientific Center - Novosibirsk Akademgorodok. The political successes of the visit included the conclusion of an agreement to expand political, economic and cultural ties. Both sides condemned American interference in the internal affairs of Vietnam and founded a special political Franco-Russian commission. An agreement was even concluded to create a direct line of communication between the Kremlin and the Elysee Palace.

The crisis of the de Gaulle administration. 1968

De Gaulle's seven-year presidential term expired at the end of 1965. According to the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, new elections were to be held by an expanded electoral college. But the president, who was planning to run for a second term, insisted on the popular election of the head of state, and the corresponding amendments were adopted in a referendum on October 28, 1962, for which de Gaulle had to use his powers and dissolve the National Assembly. The 1965 election was the second direct election of a French president: the first took place more than a century ago, in 1848, and was won by Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, the future Napoleon III. The victory in the first round (December 5, 1965), which the general was counting on, did not happen. Second place was taken, receiving 31%, by socialist François Mitterrand, representing a broad opposition bloc, who consistently criticized the Fifth Republic as a “permanent coup d’etat.” Although de Gaulle prevailed over Mitterrand in the second round on December 19, 1965 (54% to 45%), this election was the first warning sign.

The government monopoly on television and radio was unpopular (only print media were free). An important reason for the loss of confidence in de Gaulle was his socio-economic policy. The growing influence of domestic monopolies, the agrarian reform, which was expressed in the liquidation of a large number of peasant farms, and finally, the arms race led to the fact that the standard of living in the country not only did not increase, but in many ways became lower (the government had been calling for self-restraint since 1963). Finally, the personality of de Gaulle himself gradually caused more and more irritation - he is beginning to seem to many, especially young people, to be an inadequately authoritarian and out-of-date politician. The May events in France in 1968 lead to the fall of the de Gaulle administration.

On May 2, 1968, a student revolt broke out in the Latin Quarter - a Parisian area where many institutes, faculties of the University of Paris, and student dormitories are located. Students are demanding the opening of the Faculty of Sociology in the Parisian suburb of Nanterre, which was closed after similar unrest caused by ancient, “mechanical” methods of education and a number of domestic conflicts with the administration. Cars are set on fire. Barricades are erected around the Sorbonne. Police units are urgently called in, and in the fight against them, several hundred students are injured. The rebels' demands include the release of their arrested colleagues and the withdrawal of police from the neighborhoods. The government does not dare to satisfy these demands. Trade unions declare a daily strike. De Gaulle's position is tough: there can be no negotiations with the rebels. Prime Minister Georges Pompidou proposes to open the Sorbonne and satisfy the demands of the students. But the moment is already lost.

On May 13, trade unions staged a grand demonstration throughout Paris. Ten years have passed since the day when, in the wake of the Algerian rebellion, de Gaulle announced his readiness to take power. Now slogans flutter over the columns of demonstrators: “De Gaulle - to the archives!”, “Farewell, de Gaulle!”, “05/13/58-05/13/68 - it’s time to leave, Charles!” Anarchist students fill the Sorbonne. The strike not only does not stop, but develops into an indefinite one. 10 million people are on strike across the country. The country's economy is paralyzed. Everyone has already forgotten about the students with whom it all started. The workers demand a forty-hour work week and an increase in the minimum wage to 1,000 francs. On May 24, the President speaks on television. He says that “the country is on the brink of civil war” and that the president should be given, through a referendum, broad powers for “renewal” (French rennouveau), although the latter concept was not specified. De Gaulle had no self-confidence. On May 29, Pompidou holds a meeting of his cabinet. De Gaulle is expected at the meeting, but the shocked prime minister learns that the president, having taken the archives from the Elysee Palace, left for Colombey. In the evening, the ministers learn that the helicopter carrying the general did not land in Colombey. The President went to the French occupation forces in Germany, in Baden-Baden, and almost immediately returned to Paris. The absurdity of the situation is evidenced by the fact that Pompidou was forced to look for the boss with the help of air defense.

On May 30, de Gaulle reads another radio speech at the Elysee Palace. He declares that he will not leave his post, dissolves the National Assembly and calls early elections. For the last time in his life, de Gaulle takes the chance to put an end to the “rebellion” with a firm hand. He views parliamentary elections as a vote of confidence. The elections of June 23-30, 1968 brought the Gaullists (UNR, “Union for the Republic”) 73.8% of the seats in the National Assembly. This meant that for the first time one party had an absolute majority in the lower house, and the vast majority of the French expressed confidence in General de Gaulle.

Resignation and death

The general's fate is sealed. The short “respite” does not bring any fruit, except for the replacement of Pompidou with Maurice Couve de Murville and the announced plans to reorganize the Senate - the upper house of parliament - into an economic and social body representing the interests of entrepreneurs and trade unions. In February 1969, the general put this reform to a referendum, announcing in advance that if he lost, he would leave. On the eve of the referendum, de Gaulle with all the documents relocates from Paris to Colombey and awaits the results of the vote, about which he probably has no illusions. After defeat became obvious at 10 pm on April 27, 1969, after midnight on April 28, the President telephoned Couve de Murville with the following document: “I cease to serve as President of the Republic. This decision comes into effect at noon today."

After his resignation, de Gaulle and his wife went to Ireland, then rested in Spain, worked in Colombey on “Memoirs of Hope” (not completed, until 1962). He criticized the new authorities as having “done away” with the greatness of France.

On November 9, 1970, at seven o'clock in the evening, Charles de Gaulle died suddenly in Colombey-les-deux-Eglises from a ruptured aorta. At the funeral on November 12 (at the village cemetery in Colombey next to his daughter Anna), according to the general’s will drawn up back in 1952, only immediate relatives and comrades in the Resistance were present.

Heritage

After the resignation and death of de Gaulle, his temporary unpopularity remained a thing of the past; he is recognized primarily as a major historical figure, a national leader, on a par with such figures as Napoleon I. More often than during the years of his presidency, the French associate his name with his activities during World War II, usually calling him "General de Gaulle" rather than simply by his first and last name. Rejection of the figure of de Gaulle in our time is characteristic mainly of the extreme left.

The Rally for the Republic party, created by de Gaulle, after a series of reorganizations and renamings, continues to remain an influential force in France. The party, now called the Union for a Presidential Majority, or, with the same acronym, the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP), is represented by former President Nicolas Sarkozy, who said in his inaugural speech in 2007: “[As we take up the functions of President Republic], I think about General de Gaulle, who saved the Republic twice, returned independence to France, and its prestige to the state.” Even during the life of the general, the supporters of this center-right course were given the name Gaullists. Deviations from the principles of Gaullism (in particular, towards the restoration of relations with NATO) were characteristic of the Socialist government under Francois Mitterrand (1981-1995); Critics often accused Sarkozy of a similar “Atlanticization” of the course.

Announcing de Gaulle's death on television, his successor Pompidou said: "General de Gaulle is dead, France is widowed." The Parisian airport (French Roissy-Charles-de-Gaulle, Charles de Gaulle International Airport), the Parisian Place des Stars and a number of other memorable places, as well as the nuclear aircraft carrier of the French Navy, are named in his honor. A monument to the general was erected near the Champs Elysees in Paris. In 1990, the square in front of the Cosmos Hotel in Moscow was named after him, and in 2005, a monument to de Gaulle was erected there in the presence of Jacques Chirac.

Awards

* Grand Master of the Legion of Honor (as President of France)
* Grand Cross of the Order of Merit (France)
* Grand Master of the Order of Liberation (as founder of the order)
* Military Cross 1939-1945 (France)
* Order of the Elephant (Denmark)
* Order of the Seraphim (Sweden)
* Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (UK)
* Grand Cross decorated with the ribbon of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic
* Grand Cross of the Order of Military Merit (Poland)
* Grand Cross of the Order of St. Olaf (Norway)
* Order of the Royal House of Chakri (Thailand)
* Grand Cross of the Order of the White Rose (Finland)

Notes
1. S. de Gaulle. Military memoirs. Summoning 1940-1942. M.: Publishing house of foreign literature, 1957, p. 29.
2. Moscow - Paris. Collection of interviews. M.: Izvestia, 1989.
3. Military memoirs, p. 31.
4. N. N. Molchanov. General de Gaulle, M.: International relations, 1980, p. 108.
5. Molchanov, p. 118.
6. K. Shant. Tanks: An Illustrated Encyclopedia, p. 21, ISBN 5-465-00378-2
7. 1 2 3 Winston Churchill. The Second World War. Part 2, ch. 10.
8. 1 2 Memoirs of Hope, p. 220.
9. Molchanov, p. 147-149; With. 148 (reproduction of de Gaulle's leaflet in French).
10. Military memoirs, p. 331-333 (Appendix "Documents").
11. Memoirs of Hope, p. 212.
12. Military memoirs, p. 110.
13. Military memoirs, p. 371-374 (document text).
14. Military memoirs, p. 416-417 (document text).
15. Military memoirs, p. 383-388 (document text).
16. In 1941-1943. Bogomolov was the USSR plenipotentiary representative to the allied governments in London, and in 1943-1944 to the French Committee for National Liberation (Algeria); I. S. Ivanov. Essays on the history of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 1802-2002: In 3 vols. T. 2.
17. Molchanov, p. 177.
18. Molchanov, p. 203.
19. Molchanov, p. 239.
20. Molchanov, p. 249.
21. Molchanov, p. 298-299.
22. Military memoirs, p. 29.
23. Memoirs of Hope, p. 217, 218.
24. Molchanov, p. 357.
25. Molchanov, p. 359.
26. The provisions of the Constitution are covered in more detail in Molchanov (pp. 374-377) and M. Ts. Arzakanyan “General de Gaulle on the path to power.”
27. Molchanov, p. 401.
28. Molchanov, p. 435.
29. Molchanov, p. 475.
30. Molchanov, p. 491.
31. Molchanov, p. 494.
32. Premier discourse officiel du President de la Republique.

Literature

* Gaulle S. de. Military memoirs T. 1: Conscription 1940-1942 / Trans. from fr. A. A. Anfilofyeva, Yu. B. Arzumanova, V. G. Gak, etc. - M.: AST-Astrel, 2003. - 814 p. - (Military History Library). - ISBN 5-17-016112-3.
* Gaulle S. de. Military memoirs. T. 2: Unity 1942-1944 / Transl. from fr. B. S. Vaisman, N. M. Zharkova, N. I. Nemchinova, A. B. Oseneva. - M.: ACT, 2003. - 814 p. - (Military History Library). - ISBN 5-17-016113-1.
* Gaulle S. de. Military memoirs. - T. 3: Salvation 1944-1946 / Translated from French. I. V. Ionova, D. D. Litvinova, A. I. Shchedrova. - M.: AST, 2003. - 799 p. - (Military History Library). - ISBN 5-17-016114-Х.
* Gaulle S. de. De Gaulle S. Memoirs of Hopes // New and Contemporary History. - 1993. - No. 5.
* Gaulle S. de. On the edge of a sword. - M.: Europe, 2006. - (Ideologies). - ISBN 5-9739-0033-9. - 240 s.
* Arzakanyan M. Ts. De Gaulle and the Gaullists on the way to power. - M.: Higher School, 1990 (reissue 2001 entitled “General de Gaulle on the path to power”, ISBN 5-89826-075-7).
* Arzakanyan M. Ts. De Gaulle. - M.: Young Guard, 2007. - 302 p. - (Life of wonderful people). - 5000 copies. - ISBN 978-5-235-02972-9
* Arzakanyan M. Ts. The Great de Gaulle: “France is me!” - M.: Yauza, Eksmo, 2012. - 512 pp., 3000 copies. - ISBN 978-5-699-54522-3.
* Gordienko A. N. Commanders of the Second World War. - T. 1. - Mn., 1997. - ISBN 985-437-268-5.
* Zalessky K.A. Who was who in the Second World War. Allies of the USSR. - M.: AST, 2004. - T. 1. - 702 p. - ISBN 5-17-025106-8
* Molchanov N. N. General de Gaulle. - M.: International Relations, 1973 (2nd ed. 1980, 3rd ed. 1988; newest reissue 2003 entitled “De Gaulle”, ISBN 5-699-02678-9).
* Molchanov N.N. Unknown de Gaulle: The last great Frenchman. - M.: Eksmo, 2011. - 448 p. - (Geniuses and villains). - ISBN 978-5-699-53020-5.
* Peyrefitte A. This was de Gaulle / Comp. and lane V. I. Bozhovich. - M.: Moscow School of Political Research, 2002. - 695 p. - ISBN 5-93895-033-3.

18th President of France

Charles de Gaulle was brought up in deep patriotism; from childhood he understood what national pride was. He received his education at the Jesuit College, and then entered the Saint-Cyr Higher Military School.

After studying, Charles joined an infantry regiment and began to think about his feat for France. When the First World War came, Charles went to the front, where he was promoted to captain after three wounds and captivity.

In 1924, he graduated from the Higher Military School in Paris, and wrote books about the reform of the French army: “On the Edge of the Sword” and “For a Professional Army,” which were published in 1932 and 1934. It was these books that brought Charles de Gaulle popularity among military men and politicians.

In 1937, Charles de Gaulle became a colonel and was sent to Metz as commander of a tank corps.

De Gaulle's appeal “To all Frenchmen”, 1940 (clickable)

He had already celebrated the year 1939 as the commander of tank units in one of the combined arms army of France.

In the spring of 1940, he became Prime Minister of France Raynaud, an old friend of de Gaulle, so promotion was now much easier. In the summer of the same year, Charles received the rank of brigadier general.

De Gaulle later found himself in the cabinet and became responsible for national security matters.

As a representative of the government, de Gaulle negotiated with Churchill, which were interrupted by the Wehrmacht's attack on France. In this situation, the military leaders decided to support Marshal Pétain and accepted the surrender. Reynaud's cabinet resigned, and Marshal Pétain became the head of the country.

General de Gaulle with his wife (London, 1942)

De Gaulle was not going to put up with such a situation and went to England to create a French resistance. The British government supported de Gaulle's views, so in the summer of 1940 the Free French movement was created.

The first military action of the Free French was an attempt to subjugate the western coast of Africa to the French, but it ended in failure.

Charles de Gaulle to the right of Winston Churchill

in 1941, Charles de Gaulle tried to create a movement of the French National Committee, which would carry out the functions of the government. But the colonies were not very keen to help the Allies in the war. De Gaulle led operations against Pétain's forces in Syria, and also fought against the occupiers, even the forces of the French communists.

In the winter of 1943, a representative office of the PCF operated in London, and on the territory of France itself the NSS was created under the leadership of Jean Mullen (National Council of Resistance).

Charles de Gaulle, 1946

Charles de Gaulle actively developed the Resistance movement, forming the Provisional Government.

On June 6, 1944, uprisings began throughout France. On August 25, 1944, France was liberated.

On October 21, 1945, elections were held in France, in which the communists won, but it was Charles de Gaulle who was entrusted with the formation of the new government.

Charles de Gaulle, 1965

In 1946, de Gaulle himself left his post, unable to find a common language with the communists. For 12 years he was in the shadows and as soon as the country’s economic situation began to deteriorate further, he again appeared on the political arena.

In 1947, he created the “Union of the French People,” the goal of which was to establish strict presidential power in France. But in 1953 the movement was disbanded.

De Gaulle's goal of becoming president began to be realized only with the outbreak of the Algerian War. Algeria had long fought for its independence and in order to suppress resistance, it was necessary to send impressive forces. The military were supporters of de Gaulle and demanded his return.

The president and cabinet of ministers voluntarily resigned, and de Gaulle returned to politics.

On June 1, 1985, the government program was presented to the National Assembly, which was approved by 329 to 224. The general demanded the adoption of a new constitution, according to which the rights of the president largely prevailed over the powers of parliament. On October 4, 1958, a new constitution was approved. This was the establishment of the Fifth Republic. And in December of the same year, de Gaulle was elected president.

The post of Prime Minister was occupied by Michel Debreu. The National Assembly was replenished with 188 Gaullist deputies, who united in the UNR (“Union for a New Republic”). Together with representatives of the right-wing party, they formed the majority. It was a regime of personal power.

The Algerian problem occupied a primary role in de Gaulle's mind, so on September 16, 1959, the president declared Algeria's right to self-determination. After a rebellion, a series of resistance actions and attempts on de Gaulle's life, Algeria became an independent state in 1962.

Tomb of de Gaulle, his wife and daughter in Colombey

In 1965, de Gaulle was elected to a seven-year term, but he left politics much earlier. After several unsuccessful attempts to implement reforms, Charles de Gaulle resigned.

From April 1969, when he left the presidency, de Gaulle went to his estate in Burgundy.

He was only 13 days away from his 80th birthday. He died on November 9, 1970 and was buried in the village cemetery without any ceremony at his own request. Representatives from 84 states accompanied him on his final journey, and a special meeting of the UN General Assembly was organized in memory of this man.

Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle was born in Lille on November 22, 1890 and died in Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises on November 9, 1970. Over the eighty years of his life, this man managed to become the greatest hero of France after Joan of Arc. He managed to lead the country twice, both times taking leadership at the peak of a national catastrophe and leaving the state in a state of economic recovery and growing international prestige. At the same time, he wrote more than a dozen books - memoirs and theoretical works on the art of war, some of which remain bestsellers to this day.

Being himself, admittedly, an extremely authoritarian person, de Gaulle, having, in fact, sovereign powers, twice voluntarily renounced his power and resigned. Moreover, this man, feared by his allies as a potential new dictator of the Hitlerite type, left to his descendants one of the most stable political systems among European democracies, called the Fifth Republic, under whose constitution France lives today.

The mysterious, mystical hero de Gaulle - the savior of France, the unifier of the French people, the liberator of Algeria and other colonies of the empire - remains to this day one of the most controversial figures in the modern history of Europe. His techniques were used more than once by many figures in the political scene; his life, attitude towards himself, towards duty, aspirations and beliefs became a model for many generations.

An aura of mystery has surrounded de Gaulle since his voice was first heard on British radio in 1940 in Nazi-occupied France, and for many French people for several years de Gaulle remained just a voice - the voice of freedom, uttering twice a day five-minute speeches, remained the name of hope that members of the Resistance movement conveyed to each other. De Gaulle himself used this mystery more than once to achieve certain political goals. However, in practice, Charles de Gaulle was not such a mysterious person at all. Ambiguous - yes. But all the general’s “secrets” are hidden in his biography. After all, first of all, the figure of the great general was a product of the extraordinary circumstances in which all of France found itself. And one of her soldiers in particular.

Complex of Joan of Arc

Charles de Gaulle was born into a wealthy family; his parents were right-wing Catholics. His father, Henri de Gaulle, was a teacher of philosophy and history at the Jesuit College on the Rue Vaugirard. Charles received a religious education, read a lot, showed great interest in literature from childhood, and even wrote poetry. Having won a school poetry competition, young de Gaulle chose the latter of two possible prizes - a cash prize or publication. De Gaulle was keen on history, especially since the de Gaulle family was proud not only of its noble origins and deep roots, but also of the exploits of its ancestors: according to family legend, one of the de Gaulle family, Zhegan, participated in the campaign of Joan of Arc. Little de Gaulle listened his father's stories about the glorious past of his family with sparkling eyes. Many, for example, Winston Churchill, later laughed at de Gaulle, saying that he suffered from a “Joan of Arc complex.” But the future general dreamed of the most revered French saint as a child; in his dream, he fought side by side with her for the salvation of France.

Even as a child, de Gaulle's character showed obsessive persistence and the ability to control people. So, he taught himself and forced his brothers and sister to learn a coded language in which words were read backwards. It must be said that this is much more difficult to achieve for French spelling than for Russian, English or German, and yet Charles could speak such a language in long phrases without hesitation. He constantly trained his memory, the phenomenal qualities of which amazed those around him later, when he delivered speeches of 30-40 pages by heart, without changing a single word compared to the text he had jotted down the day before.

From his youth, de Gaulle had an interest in four disciplines: literature, history, philosophy and the art of war. The philosopher who had the greatest influence on him was Henri Bergson, from whose teaching the young man could glean two important points that determined not only his general worldview, but also practical actions in everyday life. The first is that Bergson considered the natural division of people into a privileged class and an oppressed people, on which he based the advantages of dictatorship over democracy. The second is the philosophy of intuitionism, according to which human activity was a combination of instinct and reason. The principle of acting on a whim after precise calculation was used by de Gaulle many times when making the most important decisions that led him to the heights, as well as those that overthrew him from them.

Family environment and hobbies shaped de Gaulle’s attitude towards his homeland, its history, and his mission. However, the desire for military affairs forced de Gaulle to put into practice the fulfillment of that duty to his homeland, which for many generations of de Gaulle philosophers and teachers remained a pure theorem. In 1909, Charles went to the Military Academy in Saint-Cyr.

There is a widespread opinion that military service deprives a person of the ability to think independently, teaches him only to follow orders that are not subject to discussion, and prepares martinets. There is hardly a more obvious refutation of such nonsense than the example of Charles de Gaulle. Every day of service was not wasted for him. Without ceasing to read and educate himself, he carefully observed the life of the French army, noticing all the shortcomings in its structure. Being a diligent cadet, without violating the regulations in any way, he remained a strict judge of what he saw. Fellow students at the academy considered de Gaulle arrogant. Due to his height and character, he was dubbed “long asparagus.” The same growth, it seems, played a significant role in his self-awareness. And that’s to say: every day in formation, when the corporal shouted “Be equal!”, he was the only one who did not turn his head - everyone was equal to him.

In 1913, with the rank of junior lieutenant, he enlisted in an infantry regiment under the command of the then Colonel Philippe Pétain (who was destined to raise de Gaulle to commanding heights, only to later, in 1945, be pardoned by his former protégé and thereby avoid death execution). At the very beginning of the war, Charles was wounded twice, after which he was captured, where he remained until the truce was concluded and from where he tried to escape five times - each time unsuccessfully.

After the war, de Gaulle participated in the intervention in Soviet Russia as an officer-instructor in the Polish forces. After that, he served in the occupation forces in the Rhineland and participated in the operation of the French invasion of the Ruhr, an adventure from which he warned his superiors and which ended in a resounding failure - under pressure from Germany and the allies, France was forced to retreat, and its share in reparations payments were reduced. At this time, he wrote several books, among which it is worth highlighting “Discord in the Enemy’s Camp,” a commentary on the actions of the German army and government during the First World War, begun while in captivity. The actions of the German headquarters in this work were sharply criticized. De Gaulle did not dwell on the objective reasons for Germany’s defeat, but gave an analysis from which it followed that the defeat was led, perhaps in the first place, by the internal and military policies of the German government and the General Staff. It must be said that at that time in France, paradoxically, the organization of the Wehrmacht military machine was considered a model. De Gaulle pointed out significant miscalculations of the Germans.

The book was subsequently appreciated for its many fresh ideas. For example, de Gaulle argued that even during war, the military administration of the state must be subordinate to the civil one. Now this statement, which directly follows from the thesis that wars are won on the home front, seems quite obvious. In the 20s of the 20th century in France it was sedition. It was not useful for a career military man to express such judgments. De Gaulle, in his views on the structure of the army, on the tactics and strategy of war, was very different from the mass of the French military establishment. At that time, his former commander, the winner at Verdun, Marshal Pétain was an unquestioned authority in the army. In 1925, Pétain drew his attention to the fact that de Gaulle did not take a worthy place in the headquarters, and appointed him as his adjutant, instructing him to soon prepare a report on the system of defensive measures in France.

De Gaulle prepared this report, but it came as a surprise to the patron, since it was completely at odds with his own views. Where the marshal's protagonists relied on a line of fortified defense, based on strategic and tactical lessons learned from the "positional" First World War, de Gaulle spoke about the need to create mobile tactical formations, argued the uselessness of defensive structures in the conditions of modern technological development, especially considering the fact that the borders of France were completely unprotected by nature, passing mostly through open plains. As a result, relations with Pétain were spoiled, and the headquarters headed for the notorious Maginot Line. The very first days of the new war proved de Gaulle right.

At the same time, de Gaulle first showed himself as a politician: despite the fact that he was unofficially in disgrace, he managed to continue the implementation of his initiatives and at the same time his career growth. Firstly, he was the only career military man who allowed himself to speak openly in the press. This was by no means welcomed by the military authorities, but it noticeably increased his popularity in the country. Secondly, when faced with obstacles in the military environment, he immediately turned to politicians, and did not at all find it difficult to sacrifice his principles to achieve his goals. In 1934, he approached the far-right politician Paul Reynaud, who liked the army reform project proposed by de Gaulle. Reynaud tried to push the project through parliament, but was unsuccessful. Then in 1936, Captain de Gaulle with the same initiative went personally to the socialist leader Leon Blum. It is difficult for us now to imagine how much this step contradicted at that time the very essence of a person of such upbringing and habits as de Gaulle. Nevertheless, Leon Blum, although interested in the captain’s projects, practically did not use his capabilities in parliament to implement them.

Already at this stage, it is possible to identify at least two features of de Gaulle, which manifested themselves even more fully in his managerial practice: the desire to bypass small tactical defeats to victory in the main thing and the passion for innovation as an administrative tool. Persistence, energy, inflexibility of will, loyalty to convictions (however, dubious) - all these qualities have been repeatedly described and sung by historians. However, the most important components of de Gaulle's methodology, which are often overlooked, are undoubtedly the breadth of strategic intent and innovation. For him there was one scale - the scale of France.

De Gaulle's efforts were not in vain, but their effect was negligible: in general, the minor reorganization did not affect the state of the army. De Gaulle, after moving up the staff career ladder, achieved that, with the rank of colonel, he was appointed to command the only tank regiment for the formation of which he so advocated. The regiment was short-staffed. The tanks were completely outdated. On September 1, 1939, Germany attacked Poland, and France and Great Britain declared war on Germany. In a matter of days, a significant part of French territory was occupied.

This affected de Gaulle's career. He was immediately promoted to brigadier general (he chose to retain this rank for the rest of his life) and led the hastily formed 4th Panzer Division. At the cost of incredible efforts, de Gaulle even managed to stop the enemy’s advance from the north and put some of its units to flight, but this could not affect the overall course of the war. In June 1940, in a situation where capitulation was almost inevitable, Paul Reynaud appointed him to a high position in the Ministry of Defense. But it was already too late. Despite de Gaulle's efforts to continue the struggle by France, the Reynaud government resigned, and Marshal Pétain, who took his place, signed a capitulation.

At a time when the British were negotiating with the French government, which was preparing to capitulate, about the fate of its colonies, de Gaulle first met Churchill. After the capitulation, de Gaulle flew to London, where he immediately created the Free France organization and demanded that he be given airtime on British radio, which broadcast in the occupied territory and in the possessions of the Vichy regime. On June 18, 1940, de Gaulle made his first address to the nation.

Quarrelsome Frenchman

The French say: "De Gaulle will remain in the history of France as a sacred figure, since he was the first to draw the sword." However, the situation in which de Gaulle found himself was not easy. According to historian Grosset, the Free French fought on three fronts: against German and Japanese enemies, against Vichy, whose spirit of capitulation it exposed, and against the Anglo-Americans. Sometimes it was unclear who the main enemy was."

Churchill hoped, by sheltering the fugitive general, to get into his hands a person with whose help he could influence the policy of internal resistance and the free colonies, but this was a cruel delusion. With amazing speed, de Gaulle, practically from scratch, created a centralized organization, completely independent of the allies and anyone else, with its own information headquarters and armed forces. Around him he gathered people practically unknown to him before. Moreover, everyone who signed the Act of Accession, which meant joining the Free France, necessarily signed an obligation to unconditionally obey de Gaulle.

“I believed,” de Gaulle wrote in his “War Memoirs,” that the honor, unity and independence of France would be lost forever if in this world war France alone capitulated and reconciled with such an outcome. For in this case, no matter how the war ended "Whether the conquered nation were liberated from invaders by foreign armies or remained enslaved, the contempt which it would inspire in other nations would long poison its soul and the lives of many generations of Frenchmen." He was convinced: “Before philosophizing, you need to win the right to life, that is, win.”

From 1940 to 1942, the number of soldiers alone fighting under the banner of Free (later Fighting) France grew from 7 to 70 thousand. The Americans had already printed the occupation currency and expected to transfer power to the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, General Eisenhower, but as a result of the political and military struggle, by the time of D-Day, as the Allies called the day of the Normandy landing on June 7, 1944, de Gaulle had achieved international recognition of those subordinate to him National Liberation Committee as the provisional government of France. Moreover, thanks to the efforts of this man, France, formally under the leadership of the Vichy government in an alliance with Nazi Germany, practically “occupied” by the Allies, received the right to its own occupation zone in Germany as a victorious country, and a little later, a seat in the UN Security Council. Without exaggeration, such successes can be called phenomenal, considering that at the beginning of this struggle he was just a deserter of the French army, warmed by Britain, whom a military tribunal in his homeland sentenced to death for treason.

To what did Brigadier General de Gaulle owe such successes? Firstly, the idea of creating “Free France” and daily broadcasting in the occupied territory. Emissaries of the Free French traveled to all the free French colonies and countries of the current “third world”, trying to achieve recognition of de Gaulle as a representative of the “free French”. And, it must be said, the methodical work of de Gaulle’s secret agents eventually yielded results. Secondly, de Gaulle immediately established close contact with the Resistance, supplying it with what little funds he had. Thirdly, from the very beginning he positioned himself as an equal in relation to the allies. Often de Gaulle's arrogance infuriated Churchill. Everything went well if their positions agreed, but if disagreements arose, they began to argue. At the same time, de Gaulle accused Churchill of drinking too much and the whiskey went to his head. Churchill responded by stating that de Gaulle imagined himself as Joan of Arc. Once this almost ended in de Gaulle’s deportation from the island. However, stubbornness and arrogance, which gave de Gaulle’s figure authority in the eyes of his fellow citizens, helped him defend France’s rights to the former colonies and avoid literally their rejection.

Churchill and Roosevelt were extremely annoyed by the obstinate general. Roosevelt called him a “capricious bride” and irritably suggested that Churchill send de Gaulle “governor to Madagascar.” Churchill shared Roosevelt's dislike for the "arrogant Frenchman", calling him a "hidden fascist", "a quarrelsome individual who imagines himself the savior of France", saying that "the unbearable rudeness and impudence in this man's behavior are complemented by active Anglophobia." Secret British archives were recently opened, and it turned out that Churchill even sent an encrypted message from Washington to London: “I ask my colleagues to immediately answer whether we can, without delaying this question, eliminate de Gaulle as a political force... Personally I am ready to defend this position in parliament and can prove to everyone that the French Resistance movement, around which the legend of de Gaulle is created, and he himself - a vain and malicious man - have nothing in common... He hates England and sows this everywhere with him hatred... Therefore, based on our vital interests, which consist in maintaining good relations with the United States, it seems to me unacceptable to allow this quarrelsome and hostile person to continue to do evil." Further, Churchill justifies his attitude towards de Gaulle (it should be noted that it was Roosevelt who supplied Churchill with compromising evidence on de Gaulle - information from the American intelligence services): dictatorial habits, hidden fascist tendencies in actions and plans, the desire to come to terms with Moscow behind the backs of the allies and in a separate way " settle things with Germany." Allegedly, de Gaulle was especially favorable towards the USSR, and Stalin had already twice suggested that he move his residence from London to Moscow. However, Roosevelt’s game, which pitted Churchill against de Gaulle, ran into the position of the British Cabinet, which responded to its prime minister: “It is likely that de Gaulle as a person is in fact very far from the idealized mythical figure that the French see before them. However, one must give oneself The report is that any propaganda efforts on our part against de Gaulle will not convince the French that their idol has feet of clay. Moreover, we risk allowing interference in the purely internal affairs of the French, which is completely unjustified from any point of view, and we are simply "will be accused of trying to turn France into an Anglo-American protectorate."

The “Anglophobe with dictatorial habits” himself always emphasized his respect for Churchill. Only once did he misspoke in irritation. Offended that he was not invited to the conference of three leaders in Yalta, when asked which of them he would like to spend the weekend with, he replied: “Of course, with Roosevelt! Or, at least, with Stalin...” A little he later told Eisenhower: “Churchill thinks I take myself for Joan of Arc. But he is wrong. I take myself only for General de Gaulle."

When American and British troops occupied Algeria, they attempted to remove de Gaulle from power and form a government in exile led by General Giraud. De Gaulle acted quickly. Relying on the forces of the Resistance and, importantly, on Moscow, he immediately flew to Algeria, where he proposed organizing a Committee of National Liberation, co-chaired by Giraud and himself. Giraud agreed. Churchill and Roosevelt were forced to agree. Soon de Gaulle pushes Giraud into the background, and then removes him from leadership without any problems.

In general, de Gaulle constantly played on the contradictions of his allies. In particular, both the occupation zone and a seat in the Security Council went to France mainly thanks to the support of Stalin. De Gaulle, who sympathized with Stalin, convinced him that France would help establish a balance of power in the UN, which was leaning rather towards the Soviets.

After the provisional government under the leadership of de Gaulle came to power in France, he proclaimed the slogan in domestic policy: “Order, law, justice,” and in foreign policy - the greatness of France. De Gaulle's tasks included not only economic restoration, but also political restructuring of the country. De Gaulle achieved the first: he nationalized the largest enterprises, carried out social reforms, while simultaneously purposefully developing the most important industries. The second one turned out worse. From the very beginning, de Gaulle resorted to the political technique of “above the fray.” He did not openly support any of the parties, including the “Gaullists” - a movement of supporters of the general, believing that, being above the political struggle, he could win the sympathy of all voters. However, despite his high personal authority among the people, he was defeated in the main battle - the battle for a new constitution.

The “Gaullist” party, which was not personally supported by the general, did not receive a majority in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, called upon to develop a constitution. The Provisional Parliament, through compromises, developed the constitution of the Fourth Republic, which had a unicameral parliament that appointed the government and a president with limited power functions. De Gaulle waited until recently and finally proposed his own version of the constitution with a strong executive branch in the person of the president. He hoped to outplay the parliamentarians with massive propaganda and the effect of surprise. But the version of the constitution of the Fourth Republic proposed by parliament in a referendum attracted 52.5% “for” and 45.5% “against”. So de Gaulle himself became a victim of “supra-class arbitration,” as he called it. In the elections to the National Assembly, the "Gaullists" received only 3% of the votes. In January 1946, de Gaulle resigned and his political career took 12 years off.

Solitaire is patience

To say that at the age of 68 de Gaulle returned to politics from complete social oblivion is an exaggeration. Of course, while in retirement, he was involved in social activities. But the main thing was the waiting. De Gaulle lived in the family home in Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises with his wife: he wrote memoirs, gave interviews, and walked a lot. In 1947, he tried to organize a new political movement, using the old technique of uniting in a coalition “above parties and movements,” but the movement was not successful, and in 1953 he completely retired. De Gaulle loved to play solitaire. "Solitaire" means patience in French.

Many say that Colombe was Napoleonic Elba for de Gaulle. In this case, we can say that time in power is in progressive proportion to time in exile. Napoleon spent a year on Elba and was in power for 100 days. De Gaulle spent 12 years in Colombey. He remained in power from 1958 to 1969, after which he voluntarily resigned, having earned general respect.

In the 50s, France was torn apart by crises. In 1954, France suffered a brutal defeat in Indochina from national liberation movements. De Gaulle did not comment. Unrest began in Algeria and other countries of North Africa, where the bulk of the former or actual French colonies were located. Despite economic growth, the population suffered severely from the devaluation of the franc and from inflation. Waves of strikes swept across the country. Governments replaced each other. De Gaulle was silent. By 1957, the situation had worsened: left- and right-wing extremist tendencies in society simultaneously intensified. The fascist military in Algeria, fighting against the rebels, threatened a coup. On May 13, 1958, such a coup almost happened. Newspapers began to write about the “need for responsibility.” In conditions of an acute government crisis, on May 16, the president turned to de Gaulle with a proposal to take over the post of prime minister with the approval of parliament. After this, in December 1958, de Gaulle himself was elected president with an unusually wide range of powers (for France at that time): in case of an emergency, he could dissolve parliament and call new elections, and also personally supervised issues of defense, foreign policy and the most important internal ministries. Interestingly, the text of the Russian constitution, approved by citizens in a referendum in 1993, largely coincides with the de Gaulle constitution, which, by all accounts, Russian reformers took as a model.

Despite the apparent speed and ease with which de Gaulle came to power for the second time, this event was preceded by the hard work of the general himself and his supporters. De Gaulle constantly conducted secret negotiations through intermediaries with political leaders of far-right parties, with parliamentarians, and organized a new “Gaullist” movement. Finally, choosing the moment when the threat of civil war reached its climax, de Gaulle spoke on the radio on May 15, and in front of parliament on the 16th. The first of these speeches was full of fog: “Once, in a difficult hour, the country trusted me so that I would lead it to salvation. Today, when the country faces new trials, let it know that I am ready to assume all the powers of the Republic.” In the texts of both speeches not even the word “Algeria” appeared. If the first one was frightening, then the speech in parliament could even be called amiable. This was the “carrot and stick” method - for the people and for the socialist leaders, who had to approve his candidacy for the post of prime minister in parliament and then elect him as president.

Mystery, secrecy, brevity, emotionality - these were de Gaulle’s weapons this time too. He relied not on this or that political inclination, but on the psychology of subordinating the crowd to the mysterious charm of the leader. Politicians in the government and the presidential apparatus were replaced by economists, lawyers, and managers. “I am a lonely man,” de Gaulle told the people in front of the parliament building, “who does not mix himself with any party or organization. I am a man who belongs to no one and belongs to everyone.” This is the whole essence of the general’s tactics. Considering that at that time, in parallel with the ultra-right demonstrations, “Gaullist” rallies were taking place throughout Paris, directly calling on the government to resign in favor of the general, there was a fair amount of slyness in his words.

In the relationship between de Gaulle and the "Gaullists", as well as in de Gaulle himself in 1958, one can see similarities with Vladimir Putin and the Unity movement. However, such an analogy seems a stretch if we consider that both came to power with an urgent need in society for an immediate solution to colonial problems and with the growth of nationalist sentiments in society.

The new constitution, approved in a referendum by a majority of almost 80%, introduced a presidential system of government for the first time in French history. With the strengthening of executive power, parliament was limited in legislative rights. It was supposed to work 2 sessions a year: autumn (October-December) was devoted to budget consideration, spring (April-June) to legislative activity. The agenda was determined by the government. Voting was carried out on the budget as a whole; when discussing the project, deputies did not have the right to make amendments providing for a reduction in revenues or an increase in state expenses.

Parliament was “pushed back”: de Gaulle communicated directly with the people through referendums, which he could call independently.

Gold instead of dollars

De Gaulle's authority was quite high. Without looking away from resolving the domestic political crisis, he took up economics and foreign policy, where he achieved some success. He dealt not with problems, but with a problem: how to make France a great power. One of the measures of a psychological nature was denomination: de Gaulle issued a new franc in denominations of 100 old ones. De Gaulle did not have a central bank. Money was multiplied through credit emission. A bunch of bankers fed on inflation. De Gaulle suggested that French banks should not exceed a 10 percent lending level. The franc became a hard currency for the first time in a long time.

At the end of 1960, the economy showed rapid growth, the fastest in all the post-war years. De Gaulle's foreign policy course was aimed at Europe gaining independence from two superpowers: the USSR and the USA. The European Common Market was being created, but de Gaulle blocked Britain's entry into it. Apparently, the wartime words of Churchill, uttered during one of the disputes about the status of France and its colonies - “Remember, whenever I have to choose between a free Europe and the seas, I will always choose the seas. Whenever I have to choose between Roosevelt and you, I will choose Roosevelt!" - sunk deep into de Gaulle’s soul, and now he refused to recognize the British islanders as Europeans.

In 1960, France successfully tested an atomic bomb in the Pacific Ocean. During these years, de Gaulle's administrative abilities did not appear in all their glory - the general needed a crisis to show the whole world what he was really capable of. He easily held a referendum on the issue of direct universal suffrage for the presidency, although he had to dissolve parliament to do so. In 1965, he was re-elected, although this time the voting took place in two rounds - a direct consequence of the new electoral system.

On February 4, he announced that his country would now switch to real gold in international payments. De Gaulle’s attitude towards the dollar as a “green piece of paper” was formed under the impression of an anecdote told to him long ago by the Minister of Finance in the Clemenceau government. "A Raphael painting is being sold at auction. The Arab offers oil, the Russian offers gold, and the American lays out a wad of hundred-dollar bills and buys Raphael for $10,000. As a result, the American got Raphael for three dollars, because the cost of paper for one hundred-dollar bill is three cents! ".

De Gaulle called the de-dollarization of France his “economic Austerlitz.” He stated: “We consider it necessary that international exchange should be established, as it was before the great misfortunes of the world, on an indisputable basis, not bearing the stamp of any particular country. On what basis? In truth, it is difficult to imagine that there could be some other standard other than gold. Yes, gold does not change its nature: it can be in bars, bars, coins; it has no nationality, it has long been accepted by the whole world as an unchanging value. There is no doubt that even today the value of any currency is determined on the basis of direct or indirect, real or presumed connections with gold.In international exchange, the supreme law, the golden rule (it is appropriate to say it here), the rule that should be restored, is the obligation to ensure the equilibrium of the balance of payments of the different currency zones by actual receipts and cost of gold."

And he demanded from the United States, in accordance with the Bretton Woods Agreement, real gold: at 35 dollars per ounce, exchange 1.5 billion dollars. In case of refusal, de Gaulle’s forceful argument was the threat of France’s withdrawal from NATO, the liquidation of all 189 NATO bases on French territory and the withdrawal of 35 thousand NATO soldiers. The militant general suggested that other countries follow the example of France - turn dollar reserves into gold. The US capitulated. The general in power even acted in the economy using military methods. He said: “The commissariat will follow.”

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However, his “dirigisme” in the economy, which led to the crisis of 1967, and his aggressive foreign policy - opposition to NATO and Great Britain, harsh criticism of the Vietnam War, support for Quebec separatists, sympathy for the Arabs in the Middle East - undermined his position in the domestic political arena. During the “revolution” in May 1968, when Paris was blocked off with barricades and posters “05/13/58 - 05/13/68 - time to leave, Charles!” hung on the walls, de Gaulle was at a loss. He was rescued by the faithful Prime Minister Georges Pompidou, a supporter of a softer, recommendatory state policy in the economy, the unrest more or less subsided, new social reforms were carried out, but after that de Gaulle for some reason dismissed Pompidou. When the general’s next legislative initiatives were rejected by parliament, he could not stand it and on April 28, 1969, ahead of schedule, he voluntarily resigned from his post.

Summarizing the information that can be obtained from a brief analysis of the biography of Charles de Gaulle, we see several prerequisites that determined his career from his youth. First of all, an excellent education and a constant thirst for knowledge and intellectual self-improvement. De Gaulle himself once said: “The true school, which gives the ability to command, is a common culture.” As examples, he cited Alexander the Great, whose teacher was Aristotle, and Caesar, brought up on the works and speeches of Cicero. De Gaulle could have repeated: “To manage means to foresee, and to foresee means to know a lot.” Another prerequisite, of course, is determination, faith in one’s destiny, born in childhood. At Saint-Cyr, a classmate told him before graduation: “Charles, I feel that you are destined for a great destiny.” Anyone else in de Gaulle’s place would naturally have laughed it off, but he answered without a trace of a smile: “Yes, I think so too.” For the most part, such people make up the clientele of psychiatric clinics, but some of them succeed - they become de Gaulles.

De Gaulle earned the ironic nickname of “the king in exile” from his superior at the Military Academy for his dryness, manner of demeanor and “turning up his nose.” A later biographer, describing de Gaulle in Britain in the 1940s, used the same expression without any irony, rather with admiration. Of course, to be de Gaulle, you had to look like de Gaulle. Here is what Jacques Chastanet writes: “Very tall, thin, of a monumental build, with a long nose above a small mustache, a slightly receding chin, an imperious gaze, he seemed much younger than fifty years old. Dressed in a khaki uniform and a headdress of the same color, decorated two stars of a brigadier general, he always walked with long strides, usually holding his hands at his sides. He spoke slowly, sharply, sometimes with sarcasm. His memory was amazing. He simply reeked of the power of a monarch, and now, more than ever, he justified the epithet "king in exile"

“Arrogant,” they said about de Gaulle. Here is what he himself wrote about this in the 30s: “A man of action cannot be imagined without a fair share of selfishness, arrogance, cruelty and cunning, but all this is forgiven him, and he somehow rises even more if he uses these qualities for doing great things." And later: “A true leader keeps others at a distance, since there is no power without prestige, and no prestige without distance.” It is characteristic that de Gaulle sympathized with Stalin. Although he understood that they had little in common in political and social beliefs, he believed that as leaders and as people they were similar to each other.

As for the qualities of de Gaulle as a leader and politician, to the extent that political activity is the art of managing people, here we can highlight five defining features, five properties of de Gaulle, which primarily allowed him to become one of the largest figures in France.

Firstly, de Gaulle was both phenomenally authoritarian as a leader and extremely independent as a subordinate. It is worth noting, however, that this authoritarianism strictly concerned action. De Gaulle the boss never asked - he ordered. Independence was entirely related to the area lying outside the military regulations. He carried out orders unquestioningly, everything that was outside them was at his own discretion. De Gaulle the guest did not ask the British government - he demanded and got his way.

Secondly, de Gaulle never became outdated. Both his rationalization proposals and his methods of political and military struggle were characterized by freshness and novelty. As has already been said, the characteristic feature of his method was innovation. He remained faithful to this principle both when he turned from a promising officer into a freethinker and oppositionist, in order to soon occupy one of the leading posts in the headquarters and confirm that he was right, and when in 1968, a few days before his resignation, he tried to achieve the adoption of a new law on Senate, which radically changed the relationship between the central and municipal authorities in the Republic.

Thirdly, de Gaulle combined a long wait for the moment with the swiftness of initiative, hidden intense, painstaking work in preparing any serious step with truly hussar pressure and the apparent ease with which he was able to storm each new bastion, be it the organization of the National Liberation Committee, the triumph in Paris or return to big politics in 1958. This lightness gave him a romantic, heroic aura with a mystical connotation, raised his already high authority, and instilled faith in his power.

Fourthly, de Gaulle was distinguished by his mystery and closedness, devoting few people to his plans, committing inexplicable, from the point of view of an outsider, actions, listening carefully to his comrades-in-arms, but never consulting and, finally, making exciting speeches, being able to say everything and nothing at the same time .

And finally, fifthly, de Gaulle always sought to remain above the situation, giving himself the status of a “supra-class arbiter”: on the one hand, he never openly took anyone’s side, allowing the situation to be resolved without his intervention, on the other hand, he sought support at the same time from everyone who could support him, and in general diligently cared about the prestige of a person rising above the vanity of this world. Even towards his allies, on whom he was completely dependent, he behaved not only as an equal, but sometimes even condescendingly. Their goal was to win the war, his was to elevate France to the pedestal of greatness. Ultimately, this method played a bad game with him twice: during the elections of 1946 and in 1968, when he himself did not find support from any of the political groups.

A lot can be said about de Gaulle's services to his fatherland, as well as about his mistakes. He, being a talented theorist of military art, did not conduct a single historically important battle, but managed to lead his country to victory where it was threatened with defeat from everywhere. Without being intimately familiar with the economy, he twice successfully ruled the country and twice brought it out of a deep crisis - I think solely thanks to his ability to competently organize the work of the structure entrusted to him, be it a rebel committee or the government of a multimillion-dollar state.

Charles de Gaulle quit smoking at age 63. He was very proud of both this fact and the method that helped him get rid of his bad habit. General Guichard's personal secretary decided to follow his patron's example and asked him how he did it. De Gaulle replied: “Very simple: tell your boss, your wife, your secretary that starting tomorrow you don’t smoke. That’s enough.”

Algeria: between two fires.

Algeria was not just a French colony. The north of the country is practically Europeanized; the main civil and military positions here were occupied by immigrants from Europe. De Gaulle promised the Algerian French what they expected from him: “Algeria will remain French forever.” Demonstrations of the French and loyal Algerians took place throughout Algeria in support of the general. But supporters of independence (FLN) began a guerrilla war, attacking government agencies, police stations, and banks. Aid and weapons came from neighboring countries: Morocco, Egypt and Tunisia. The French transferred more and more military units, special forces, mercenaries, and paratroopers from Indochina to Algeria. But the clashes did not stop.

De Gaulle began to understand that sooner or later France would have to part with the Maghreb. Algeria costs Paris too much. On September 19, 1959, the president recognized Algeria’s right to self-determination, but did not say anything specific about the timing of independence. The response was the tightening of the actions of the TNF rebels and the rebellion of the French "ultra", whose leaders were military generals, recent war heroes, once loyal soldiers of the republic - Salan, Schall, Jouaux and Zeller. The military, having ceased to hope for help from Paris, themselves switched to tactics of retaliatory terror. The Secret Armed Organization (SLA) created by Alan was a real army: 110 combat groups, 60 weapons depots, 119 safe houses. The SLA began to pursue a “scorched earth” tactic in Algeria. The SLA soldiers now considered De Gaulle their blood enemy, a traitor to France. But Algerian independence was already a done deal by that time. The referendum held in France only confirmed this. On March 18, 1962, in the resort town of Evian, agreements were signed that guaranteed (under a number of conditions, however) complete independence for Algeria. The response from the OAS was the death sentence imposed on General de Gaulle.

Six “major” attempts were made on de Gaulle’s life. The most famous is the “case of the Bastien-Thierry group.” On August 22, 1962, two groups of SLA activists took up positions on the Rue Petit-Clomart. The first detachment was supposed to stop the presidential motorcade, the second was to shoot de Gaulle and his bodyguards at point-blank range. The organizer of the assassination attempt, Lieutenant Colonel Bastien, measured the firing angles, calculated the speed of the motorcade, distributed everything by seconds, but in preparation he used the old calendar. On August 22, it got dark in Paris 25 minutes earlier than Bastien thought, so at dusk the terrorists did not see the approaching motorcade and started shooting too late. De Gaulle was also saved by the mistake of his own security service. Usually two motorcyclists with their headlights on moved in front of the motorcade. The terrorists would have seen them from afar. This time, for some reason, the motorcycle escort group ended up behind. And when de Gaulle’s car rushed forward at high speed, the militants barely had time to fire at the wheels and the rear window. The car skidded and some of the bullets missed. The president was also saved by the driver Francois Marroux, who managed to steer the car to the side. Sitting in front of the president, Colonel Alain de Boissier shouted to Yvonne and Charles de Gaulle: “Quickly, heads down!” It seemed that the president was just waiting for an assassination attempt, when the first shots rang out, he grumbled to his wife: “What, again?”

The main organizers and perpetrators of the assassination attempt were soon captured. Some managed to escape abroad. But the fifth department of the special service SDEKE ("Counteraction Service") worked with its own methods, and if in some European country an OAS activist suddenly died under mysterious circumstances, it was clear to everyone whose hands it was.

Charles de Gaulle himself seriously thought about guarantees of his security. The main bodyguard of the president was Victor Lucien Ott, a hero of Indochina, a landing officer who was captured at Dien Bien Phu and escaped from captivity six months later. The young veteran was downright obsessed with safety. “A bodyguard’s first weapon is his brain,” said Major Ott. According to his directives, all “security officials” - from provincial guards to gendarmerie prefects - were supposed to feel like “secret agents.” Ott's tactics paid off. In February 1963, Bastien-Thierry's successor in the OAS, Antoine Argot, organized a new assassination attempt. Sniper Georges Vatin was supposed to shoot at the president coming out of the central entrance of the Military Academy on the Champ de Mars. To get to the roof, the OAS members “recruited” an academy security guard. He, naturally, turned out to be “Ott’s man.” The murder plot failed again.

All the main leaders of the OAS were killed and executed (like Bastien-Thierry, who appeared at the guillotine in the Orders) or were kept under heavy guard in prison (like Captain Antoine Argot). With the destruction of the SLA, “patriotic terror” in Europe faded into history for some time.

Pavel Chernomorsky

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Solitaire is patience

Parliament was “pushed back”: de Gaulle communicated directly with the people through referendums, which he could call independently.

Gold instead of dollars

It is impossible to edit with "but"

Hero of his time
Simona 07.03.2007 09:02:38

Charles de Gaulle, I am not afraid of this word, is the most talented leader of all times!!! This is a great personality! Everyone would be like this... well, at least one... and here in Russia :)